Ograndskad översättning ~ januari 2018

Bábí och bahá’í religionens
gryning i Shíráz och Fárs

Bahá’í-trons ursprung och källan till dess otvetydiga enhet.
av
Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán
Översatt and kommenterad av
Ahang Rabbani
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Översättarens förord

Bábs uppväxt och tidiga liv

Handel och äktenskap

Den brinnande busken

Báb återvänder till Shíráz

Episoden i Nayríz och Vaḥíd

Hujjats familj

Bábs familj omvändelse

De första martyrer i Shíráz 1867

Khadíjih Bagums bortgång

Händelser på 1880-talet

Händelser i början av 1890-talet

Oroligheterna i Ábádih

Kaoset våren 1903

Den andra renovering av Bábs hus

Politiska oroligheter under den konstitutionella rörelsen

Bahá’íers martyrskap i Nayríz

Politiska reformer och omvälvningarna 1909-10

Här slutar Mírzá Habíbu'lláhs berättelse.

Appendix • Material för studium av bahá’í-samfundet i Shíráz


“Sanctified be God! The All-Glorious Providence has decreed for the land of Shráz to be the dawning-place of light and fire. That is, before God, the appearance of these two attributes is most prominent and most evident in that realm. And this is because the fire of opposition broke forth brightly in that city before it appeared in all other lands.”

Light is a reference to the Declaration of the Báb in Shíráz. Original Tablet in Núri’d-Dín Collection, no. 144, dated 1 Rajab, AH 1307 [21 February 1890].

Foreword by Translator

Background to the Narrative

In the 1920s in Iran, Mírzá Asadu’lláh Fádil Mázandarání, a renowned scholar and capable historian, undertook a massive project to compose a documented history of the Bábí–Bahá’í religions, which he entitled Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq [The History of the Appearance of the True One]—an effort that was greatly encouraged by Shoghi Effendi, the Guardian of the Bahá’í Faith. For his history, Mázandarání needed detailed accounts of events and occurrences during the first century of the Bahá’í Faith. With the aim of gathering such data and documentation, he and others traveled extensively throughout Iran and vicinity, combing through the Bahá’í community for available information, such as tablets, memoirs, letters, pictures, narratives, poems, historical sites, and family trees. However, Mázandarání recognized that he needed much more information, so he turned to Shoghi Effendi for assistance.

Shoghi Effendi himself also participated in this enterprise, first by producing an elegant edited translation of Nabíl Zarandí’s history, The Dawn-Breakers, and later by writing two monumental analytical histories of the Bábí–Bahá’í Faiths, respectively entitled God Passes By and Lawh-i Qarn [Tablet of the Century].

In the latter part of 1924, Shoghi Effendi began the process of recording the recollections of the Bahá’ís who had witnessed the early years of the Bábí and Bahá’í Movements. Knowing that these memoirs would have a profound effect on the understanding of future Bahá’ís about the genesis of their religion, Shoghi Effendi called for a systematic campaign to assemble such narratives. In the Haifa–‘Akká area, companions of Bahá’u’lláh such as Áqá Ḥusayn Áshchí [broth-maker] and Áqá Abú’l-Qásim Bághbán [gardener] were interviewed for what they remembered of the formative days of the Bábí–Bahá’í Faiths. Sometimes, as in the case of Áshchí, such interviews happened literally on the person’s deathbed.

During the next two decades, Shoghi Effendi wrote to the Bahá’ís of Iran urging them to prepare detailed histories of each local community, particularly those that had a significant Bahá’í presence from the earliest days. He further called upon individuals who had witnessed the unfolding of the Heroic Age (1844–1921) in the “Cradle of the Faith” (Iran) to record their experiences in writing.

In accordance with this request, the Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Shíráz entrusted the task of writing a comprehensive history of the Bahá’í Faith in this central region to Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán, the hereditary custodian of the House of the Báb in Shíráz, who readily obeyed and wrote of what he had witnessed and the remarkable stories that he had heard from those associated with the founding of the Bábí–Bahá’í Faiths. Mírzá Habíbu’lláh notes:

In accordance with the instructions of the Guardian of the Cause of God in his wondrous and blessed letter, which stated: “Each town must write a brief history of the Faith since the dawning of the Sun of Horizons,” the Spiritual Assembly [of Shíráz] entrusted this service to this unworthy servant, Hájí Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán. Even though this ephemeral servant considers himself unprepared for this great enterprise, yet hopeful of the divine confirmations of the Beloved, has committed to paper to a prescribed degree what he has seen or heard from reliable observers, that the sanctified command of the Guardian be fulfilled.

Afnán, Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz, p. 1.

Fárs och Shíráz

The land of Fárs is a province that millennia earlier had given birth to two great dynasties—the Achaemenian in the sixth century BC and the Sassanian in the third century AD. These empires were administered by leaders of great insight and learning, and engendered cultivated societies, formidable armies, great visions for humanity, and just rulers whose achievements were legendary and unprecedented. Indeed, the brilliance of their triumphs was so dazzling that the name of the region was extended to the entire country, and Persia—from Persis, the Greek form of Fárs—was born. Therefore, for Persians the name Fárs evokes a deep sense of pride and heritage. It calls to mind the past splendors associated with that cradle of civilization, when wise rulers from their seat in Persepolis wielded authority over a kingdom that extended from North Africa to China—kings who governed with such liberty and equity that the authors of the Old Testament were prompted to speak most glowingly of their benevolence.

Fárs is the Arabicized version of Párs. Persia and Persian both derive from Persis, the Hellenized form of the root word Párs. The Old Persian word was Pârsâ.

The language of the nation, Fársí—the language of Fárs—descends lineally from the language that Cyrus and Darius spoke and is the language in which the proclamations were engraved by their command on the rock-tablets of Bí-sitún and Naqsh Rustam, and upon the walls and columns of Persepolis. This language stirs a profound sense of spirituality and refinement derived from the poetry of Háfiz, voice of the invisible and the master of Persian lyrical poetry, and Sa‘dí, the sweet-tongued poet and the author of the famous Gulistán, a book of sonnets called the Garden of Roses. No other Iranian writers to this day enjoy—not only in their own country but also wherever their language is cultivated—a wider celebrity or a greater reputation than these two poets of Shíráz. Indeed, for Iranians, there is no Persian language more elevated than that which they have learned from Háfiz and Sa‘dí, and deep in their collective consciousness the legacy of these two towering literary giants of Shíráz pervades modern Iranian culture.

Those interested in a more detailed discussion of the general history of Fárs and Shíráz should consult appendix 7 and the sources cited there.

Beyond the circle of Iranians, the Bahá’í world community will forever associate the name of Shíráz with the opening chapter of its own history, for it was in Shíráz that the initial emanation of the divine revelation for this religion broke forth from the merchant-Prophet of that city. The Báb, He Who is acclaimed as the “Point round Whom the realities of the Prophets and Messengers revolve,” Who styled Himself “the Primal Point from which have been generated all created things...the Countenance of God Whose splendor can never be obscured, the Light of God Whose radiance can never fade,” arose meteor-like over the horizon of Shíráz

Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, p. 3.

The Báb, Sections from the Writings of the Báb, p. 11.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán

It was in the House of the Báb in Shíráz that Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán (1875–1951) was born and then reared by none other than Khadíjih Bagum, the widow of the Báb. The stories that he heard from her were the bittersweet stories of the Báb and the deeply devoted disciples who circled around the Báb in Shíráz. Khadíjih Bagum had a particular affinity towards the young lad’s father, Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín, who, at a time when tribulations had most fiercely beset Khadíjih Bagum, was promised by the Báb to be the family member who would arise for her protection and support, and who had done just that. This immense love of Khadíjih Bagum likewise readily embraced Núri’d-Dín’s children, and Mírzá Habíbu’lláh basked in the brilliance of her attention and affection.

In 1891–92 at the age of 16, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh was fortunate to be able to accompany his family to the Holy Land, where he spent some nine months in the immediate proximity of Bahá’u’lláh in the Mansion of Bahjí. Subsequently, from Egypt he remained in constant communication for the next decade with ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and periodically visited Him in ‘Akká, where as a trusted Afnán he was privy to some of the heart-wrenching scenes of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s ministry and granted a glimpse into the most private inner workings of the Bahá’í Faith—he witnessed the disloyalty of the half-brothers of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, their corrupt ways, the consequent anguish of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s efforts to conceal their perversion and their violation of laws, and the means by which this sad news was transmitted to the Bahá’í community.

At the turn of the century, in 1902, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá wished for Núri’d-Dín and his family, including his son, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh, to return to Shíráz to rebuild the House of the Báb, which had fallen into disrepair. Shortly before the completion of this reconstruction, Núri’d-Dín passed away, and it fell to Mírzá Habíbu’lláh to complete the construction and to become the custodian of that sacred edifice. This was the hallmark service of his life, as for the next half-century he served with great distinction as the hereditary custodian of the House of the Báb in Shíráz. Consequently, he stood uniquely qualified to tell the story of the Bábí and Bahá’í Movements in Shíráz as well as to recount his recollections of the days of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in the Holy Land.

Narratives of Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh wrote two lengthy documents. The date of composition of the first narrative, entitled Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz, is not known with any degree of precision, although it has been estimated to be in the 1920s or possibly in the early- to mid-1930s. The original version was handwritten by Mírzá Habíbu’lláh, and the final draft was written by Mírzá Abú’l-Ḥasan Ansif Nayrízí. This final copy was edited by the author, whose handwritten remarks are evident along various margins and lines throughout the manuscript; this is the version used for translation purposes.

Of this first narrative, unquestionably the most valuable portions are those on the life of the Báb in Shíráz, a city acclaimed by the young Prophet as the baladu’l-amn, “the land of refuge.” Mírzá Habíbu’lláh did not wish to write a comprehensive history of the Báb’s life, since he knew full well that others had already attempted such an undertaking—men like Nabíl Zarandí, surnamed Nabíl A‘zam, who was well known to Mírzá Habíbu’lláh. Rather, his objective was to tell stories of the Báb’s sublime life that were current among the Báb’s immediate family in Shíráz, particularly reminiscences he had heard from Khadíjih Bagum.

INBMC (Iranian National Bahá’í Manuscript Collection) 91:6–10, no. 3, and 91:13–14, no. 4. In chapter 55 of Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, the Báb refers to Himself as the Gate of the land of refuge (Báb-i baladu’l-amn). Verse 35 of the chapter “Pillar” (rukn) of the same book refers to Shíráz as the baladu’l-amn.

Those not fully familiar with the story of the Báb may find it helpful while reading this history to refer to Nabíl’s history, presented in an edited version in The Dawn-Breakers, and to Ḥasan Balyúzí’s biography, The Báb. These volumes describe many of the persons and incidents mentioned in this narrative, but depict them in a wider context. For an academic treatment of the same subject, see Abbas Amanat, Resurrection and Renewal.

The second narrative, entitled Khátirát Hayát, is the account of Mírzá Habíbu’lláh’s pilgrimages to the Holy Land and his decade-long stay in Egypt. The exact date of the composition of this autobiography is unknown, but the author’s sons, Abú’l-Qásim and Ḥasan Afnán, indicate that it was first composed shortly after Mírzá Habíbu’lláh’s return to Iran. Based upon the evidence in the narrative and family records, it is known that these notes were recopied and reorganized in the mid-1940s. Of this narrative, the most important part is the author’s recollection of being near Bahá’u’lláh from the middle of July 1891 until shortly after Naw-Rúz 1892, that is, a little more than two months prior to the passing of Bahá’u’lláh. The remaining portions are singularly important, as they clarify many aspects of the first decade of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s ministry when the opposition of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s half-brothers was at its height.

Private communications, summer 1985.

For example, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh notes that fifty-five years had elapsed since the spring of 1892 when he had met Tarazu’llah Samandari in the Holy Land, and assuming these years are reckoned in accordance with the lunar calendars, this then places the date of recomposition around 1945–46.

An annotated rendering by the present translator is forthcoming.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh was a well-educated man. He attended the same school that the Báb had attended and received tuition from one of the city’s ablest educators. Bahá’u’lláh arranged for him to study with His own sons in the Mansion of Bahjí. Subsequently, he spent many years receiving daily instructions from the celebrated Mírzá Abu’l-Fadl Gulpáygání, one of the most erudite Bahá’ís of his generation. Therefore, the style of his composition is very learned and represents an important literary achievement in its own right. It is hoped that in due course the original Persian of these two narratives will also be published so that students of history will become better acquainted with his elegant style of composition.

Den ursprungliga texten av Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz har publicerats elektroniskt; se http://www.h-net.org/~bahai/arabic/vol4/shiraz/shiraz.htm

Notes on the Present Translation

In the course of this translation, every effort has been exerted to stay as close to the original document as possible, to the degree that a literal rendering has often been preferred to a more stylistic one. Footnotes have been added to augment information, clarify obscure points, and provide a more detailed perspective. Occasionally, comments by the translator have been added to improve the clarity or continuity of the material. These comments are enclosed in square brackets, thus […]. All comments within parentheses are by the author, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh. The numbers in pointed brackets, < >, correspond to the Afnán family genealogy in appendix 6. The system of transliteration used in this monograph is consistent with the method used in other academic publications and varies from the system used in most Bahá’í publications by: (1) avoiding subdots and underlines (e.g., Fádil), and (2) dropping the izafih connecting the first name to the surname (e.g., Ḥusayn-‘Alí Núrí, instead of Ḥusayn-‘Alíy-i-Núrí). The page numbers of the original manuscript are indicated in square brackets, such as [p. 10], every five pages.

The following table provides a comparison between pages of the original manuscript and the chapters of the English rendering. The page numbers are followed by line number; for example, 77:6 indicates the 6th line of page 77.

Chapter Pages in Original
1  2:1 21:4
2 21:4-41:10
3 41:10-77:5
4 77:6 115:5
5 115:5 145:10
6 145:10 153:6
7 153:7 183:11
8 183:11 222:8
9 222:9 254:4
10 254:5 305:12
11 306:1 350:10
12 350:11 409:4
13 409:5 464:12
14 465:1 500:12
15 501:1 569:12
16 570:1 595:2
17 595:3 602:9 (end)

Since any single Islamic year (denoted AH) typically overlaps with two Christian years, where only the Islamic year of the event is known, the equivalent Gregorian date is given as the first of the two years partially covered by that Islamic year.

Typically, the original text refers to the Central Figures by such honorific titles as “His Holiness” or “His blessed Person,” and these honorifics have been omitted for the most part. Nor does the translation reproduce such expressions commonly used in the Iranian literature of the Bahá’í Faith as, “May my life be a sacrifice unto His Sacred Threshold.” Many key individuals are often referred to by titles, such as His Holiness the Exalted One, a reference to the Báb; or the Blessed Perfection or the Blessed Beauty, expressions used for Bahá’u’lláh; or “the exalted wife,” a term used to refer to Khadíjih Bagum, the widow of the Báb. These titles have been replaced with their more recognizable names, the Báb, Bahá’u’lláh, or Khadíjih Bagum.

By the time Mírzá Habíbu’lláh wrote his narrative, many principal personalities featured in this history had died, and the original text therefore often refers to them as “the late” or “the deceased.” These terms, too, have largely been omitted.

Some details of the events recorded in Mírzá Habíbu’lláh’s chronicle differ from those found in Nabíl’s Narrative, the standard history of these events. However, given that the chronicle represents an oral tradition within the family of the Báb, it has its own importance and must form part of the analysis of historians. It should be emphasized that the spoken words attributed to the Báb, Bahá’u’lláh, and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in these pages cannot be ascribed with scriptural authority or equated with their authorized Writings. No one took notes at the time those words were uttered, although it cannot be ruled out that some may indeed be the very words spoken.

All renderings of the Sacred Writings from Persian and Arabic, unless otherwise specified, are by the present translator. If an authorized source (such as Gleanings) is not cited, then the renderings should be considered as falling in the class of provisional translations intended to convey the essence (mazmún) of communications by the Founders of the Bábí–Bahá’í Faiths. Such summary renderings are not to be confused with full authorized translation of the Bahá’í Holy Texts, which will be disseminated in due time by the Bahá’í World Centre.

Regarding these Texts, it should be noted that three major compilations have been immensely helpful in locating the original Tablets quoted by Mírzá Habíbu’lláh in his narratives:

“Núri’d-Dín Collection,” which includes some 161 densely scribed pages containing Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets to the author’s father. This unpublished compilation was prepared at ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s request, and the translator is grateful to Abu’l-Qasim Afnán for making his copy accessible.

The Iranian National Bahá’í Manuscript Collection (INBMC) volumes 51 and 52 contain many Tablets addressed to believers in Fárs. These volumes have been assembled and compared with the original texts. Volume 51 (633 pages) contains Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh, while volume 52 (683 pages) provides Tablets of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. As these volumes represent a most valuable mine of information for future researchers, to the extent possible, Tablets quoted by Mírzá Habíbu’lláh have been located in these volumes and the appropriate reference provided. The translator is indebted to the staff of the Persian-American Affairs Office of the National Spiritual Assembly of Bahá’ís of the United States for granting him a copy of these two volumes.

It should also be noted that a number of the Tablets quoted by Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán have previously been published in Khándán Afnán, and these Tablets have also been identified and footnoted. However, for the purpose of this translation, greater reliance has been placed on the accuracy of the INBMC volumes.

Comment on the Appendices

To provide further historical perspective on the Bahá’í community of Shíráz, an additional narrative is included as appendix 1, namely, a history of Shíráz during the first half of the twentieth century by Abu’l-Qasim Afnán. Also, Mr. Afnán contributed most of materials for an essay on historical places in Shíráz of significance to the Bábí–Bahá’í Faiths (appendix 2). Furthermore, biographical data on the governors of Fárs, the Afnán family, and the paternal kin of the Báb are provided in separate sections, as is a section on the fascinating story of the conversion of Khál Akbar, the great-uncle of the Báb. Appendix 7 is a general overview of the history and languages of Fárs.

Acknowledgments

This effort would not have been possible without the loving kindness of the following people. I owe an immense debt of gratitude for their help with this project:

Abú’l-Qásim Afnán kindly encouraged me to translate the narratives of his father. He also provided other valuable information, some of which appears throughout the book in footnotes and under his name.

Prof. Juan R.I. Cole generously shared a copy of the Táríkh Amrí Fárs va Shíráz, making this effort possible.

The Bahá’í World Centre kindly reviewed this project and offered beneficial guidance.

Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir, Maryam Afnan-Rabbani, Dr. Moojan Momen, my late father Dr. Iraj Rabbani and Ḥasan Afnán offered several valuable suggestions and contributions. I am also deeply grateful to my sons, Bayan and Tebyan, for their assistance.

Ahang Rabbani
Houston, Texas
February 1998

Note: Although the translation of this book was completed in February 1998, various obstructions outside my control delayed its publication. In the meantime, on 20 February 1999 the Review Committee of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United Kingdom graciously reviewed and approved this monograph (as well as my forthcoming translation of Mírzá Habíbu’lláh’s Khátirát Hayát, entitled Memories of the Báb, Bahá’u’lláh, and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá), referring to it as “a magnificent book and a delight to read.” Also, I had the opportunity to reconsider parts of translation and to add further research notes. During this interval, with great care, Christine Zerbinis read the manuscript and offered a number of suggestions towards its improvement. All errors and shortcomings, however, are mine.

A.R. April 2008

Chapter 1 The Childhood and Early Life of the Báb The Beginning of the History

[p. 2:1] The names of the paternal and maternal ancestors of the Báb are as follows: The blessed name of the Báb was Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad, son of Mír[zá] Muḥammad-Ridá, the son of Áqá Mír[zá] Nasru’lláh, the son of Áqá Mír[zá] Fathu’lláh, the son of Áqá Mír[zá] Ibráhím. He was born into a highly regarded family of Ḥusayní Siyyids to whose nobility, integrity, trustworthiness, piety, devotion, and detachment everyone in the province of Fárs would testify. Merchants by profession, they were all considered exemplary in integrity and purity in the entire region of Fárs. The mother of the Báb was Fátimih Bagum, the daughter of Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Ḥusayn, who was the son of Áqá Mírzá ‘Abid, the son of Áqá Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad. This family also ranked among the renowned and trustworthy merchants of Fárs.

In the Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, Surih al-Qarabih [kinsmen], verse 14, the Báb reveals: “Verily, We have named this Remembrance by two Names from the divine Self, after two Beloved Ones among Our servants in the heavens.”

The Báb gives a slightly different genealogy in Sahífih Baynu’l-Haramayn (The Treatise Between the Two Shrines): “Say: My name is Muḥammad after the word ‘Alí [i.e., ‘Alí-Muḥammad]. And the name of My father, as hath been revealed in the Book of God, is Ridá after Muḥammad. And the name of My grandfather in the Book of God is Ibráhím [Abraham], and his father is named Nasru’lláh as has been revealed in the Qur’án (Fathu’lláh)” (Browne Or. MSS F.7[9]). The final statement is a reference to Qur’án 61:13: “And another [favor will He bestow], which ye do love—help from God [Nasru’lláh] or a speedy victory [Fathu’lláh]; so give the glad tidings to the believers.” The same genealogy is given in the Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, Surih al-Qaribih, verses 14–15.

That is, this family traced its ancestry to Imám Ḥusayn.

Fayzí, Hadrat Nuqtih Ula, p. 64, gives his name as Zaynu’l-‘Abidín.

Early Years

His blessed birth took place on the first night of Muharram AH 1235 [20 October 1819], in the house belonging to His mother’s paternal uncle, Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí. The oft- recounted utterances of that exalted lady, the mother of the Báb, were along these lines:

The Báb provides the date of His birth in the Sahifih Baynu’l-Haramayn: “Say O denizens of the Concourse! Hear the command of the Remnant of God from this Servant, the Exalted, the Wise. And this Servant was born, as hath been concealed in the Book of God, on the first day of Muharram of the year twelve hundred and thirty-five.” Also, the same date can be computed precisely from His age given in His personal diary appended to the Azali publication of the Kitáb Panj Sha’n (the Book of Five Modes). Other references to His age are to be found in the Persian Bayán 2:1 and 4:11, and the Dala’il Sab‘a (the Seven Proofs).

From the moment of birth, it was evident that, unlike other children, He was not rapacious in drinking milk. Normally, He was serene and made no noise. During the twenty-four-hour period, He would desire milk only four times. While nursing he would be most gentle, and no movement was discerned from His mouth. Often I would become anxious and ask myself, “Why is this Child not like other children? Perhaps He has some illness that prevents His desiring milk.” Then I would console myself, saying, “If He really had some unknown illness, He would manifest signs of agitation and restlessness.”

Unlike other children, He did not complain or behave in an unseemly manner during the weaning period. I was most thankful that now that the Exalted Lord had granted me this one Child, He was gentle and agreeable.

Moreover, according to what trustworthy persons have reported, it was evident from the beginning of His childhood that He had an extraordinary character that excited the wonder and amazement of all, whether relatives, friends, or strangers, for He [p. 5] was unlike any other child.

Schooling

According to Mullá Fathu’lláh Maktab-Dár [the school-master], son of Mullá Mand-‘Alí, when His blessed age had reached five years old, He was taken to the [quranic school of] Shaykh ‘Abid, known as Shaykh Anám, located in Qahviyih Awlíyá, one of the mystic convents occupied by the mystics of Fárs, on the Tayr marketplace, near the house of His maternal grandfather, and His respected maternal uncle. Mullá Fathu’lláh Maktab-Dár, son of Mullá Mand-‘Alí, was the custodian of the Masjid Vakíl. Like his father, he was one of the early believers [in the Báb] and, because of the persecutions and harassment, became a fugitive and forced to travel extensively. He related:

In Persian, when someone’s age is reported as, say, five years of age, it means they are in their fifth year of life. In English, during the whole of the fifth year of life, a child is said to be four years old. In general, whenever age is given in Bahá’í histories translated from the Persian, it is necessary to subtract one to get the age in the English manner of reckoning. However, in the present translation, everywhere an age is provided, the original Persian reckoning is given.

His given name was Shaykh Muḥammad (d. AH 1263/AD 1847), and he is also known as Shaykh Zaynu’l-‘Abidín or Shaykh Mu‘allim. The Báb mentioned him in the Arabic Bayán 6:11, “Say: O Muḥammad, My teacher! Do not beat Me ere My years have gone beyond five.”

A variation of the same name, Shaykhuná, is employed in Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, p. 75.

Named after a certain Sufi saint, Dervish Awlíyá (d. AH 1119/AD 1707), this convent is occupied by the dervishes and Sufis. Located in the Bazaar Murgh, it is situated near the house of the Báb’s maternal uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, and over the years it has decayed so thoroughly that no trace of it is now evident.

Known also as the Bazaar Murgh [poultry market] quarter, this is one of the most prosperous and religiously significant quarters of the city and one of the five Haydarí wards of Shíráz. For further details, see Fasá’í, Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, pp. 27–47.

Masjid Vakíl was the largest and most important of Shíráz’s mosques.

Mullá Fathu’lláh and his father converted on the day the Báb proclaimed His Call in the aforementioned mosque. Both were among the martyrs at Shaykh Tabarsí, and therefore his recollection of the Báb must have been conveyed to the Afnán family at an early time

When they brought His Holiness to the maktab [quranic school], I worked for Shaykh Anám in the Qahviyih Awlíyá, which is one of the mystic convents in the old neighborhood of Shíráz, where the school had several rooms with a circular portico around them. The honored Shaykh ‘Abid, a man of many qualities, was the schoolmaster and taught the children of the noblemen, the affluent, the merchants, and other distinguished citizens. He was a tall, ever-dignified man with a long beard. A follower of the late Shaykh Ahmad Ahsá’í and Siyyid Kázim Rashtí, he ranked among the leading figures and divines of Shíráz.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh adds parenthetically, “And the center of this convent was inhabited, surrounded by ruins and evidence of old graves and gravestones.”

At that time, I served the Shaykh as the khalifih (that is, the [school’s] principal). Those wishing for their youngster to receive tuition from him, had to come beforehand and meet with him in person. They would ask the Shaykh for a place either through a letter or through a distinguished intermediary. This was because the Shaykh did not accept the children of just anyone and was particularly reluctant to accept lads from the bazaarí shopkeepers, because of their ill manners and dirty clothing.

Description of His Condition During Childhood

In any event, one morning, I saw the honored Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ridá, who had been a friend of Shaykh Anám in the past, come to the Qahviyih [Awlíyá]. He sat next to the Shaykh and described his situation as follows:

A.Q. Afnán has said that on that occasion, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, the Báb’s maternal uncle, went to the school (private communication, August 1993).

“After forty years, the Exalted Lord has graced me with a Child who has caused me to wonder over His behavior.” The Shaykh asked him to explain further, but he only replied, “It is hard to say.” [The Shaykh] insisted, to which [the father] offered:

“O venerable Shaykh! Which of His amazing conditions should I recount? Such peculiar characteristics are manifest in Him that the people are astonished. Now, when He is five years old, He sometimes raises His hands to the threshold of the One God, and recites prayers. He wakes in the middle of the night and stands to offer His obligatory prayers, in the midst of which He weeps. Sometimes He is sad, on other occasions He is happy, or immersed in rapture, or preoccupied with the imaginary world. My astonishment and bewilderment prevents me from describing further. Were I to recount all that I have observed from the time of His birth until the present, it would make a thick book.”

This suggests that the Báb woke before dawn to offer His first morning prayer and, unlike most others, was not combining the first and the second Muslim obligatory prayer.

“At such a [young] age, He tells whether an unborn child is a boy or a girl, for the whole clan. After the birth, it is as He foretold.

“And again, some time ago, together with His maternal uncle, the esteemed Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, we were at the bathhouse of Bazaar Murgh quarter. This Child was sleeping between His uncle and me, when suddenly He rose and stated, ‘The vaulted roof of the Garm-Khánih [steam chamber] of Mírzá Hádí’s bathhouse, which was for women, has just caved in, and five women and one child have been [killed] under the rubble.’ His uncle said to Him, ‘Áqá, please sleep and refrain from saying such things. What manner of talk is this!’ He responded, ‘It is as I said.’ It was not long after that we heard a tumult of voice from the direction of the bathhouse, saying that Mírzá Hádí’s bathhouse was wrecked and a number of women were under the rubble. One person said twenty women [were killed]; another said thirty or forty; but later it was determined that five women and a child had been killed. The truth was just as He had said.

A.Q. Afnán suggests that only the Báb and His maternal uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, were present on that occasion (private communication, August 1993).

“In another instance, a while ago He informed us, ‘Last night, I dreamt that a large balance was suspended in mid-air in a [p. 10] vast space. Imám Ja‘far Sádiq was seated on one of the plates, and, because of His weight, that plate was resting on the ground while the other plate was suspended in the air. An invisible person lifted Me and placed Me on the empty plate. My plate was now heavier than the other, and I came to the ground and the first dish rose into the air.’ I said to Him, ‘Alas, Child, how bizarre! Do not talk like that.’

“What should I say! There are so many astonishing stories about Him that I cannot tell. At one time, Áqá Mírzá Siyyid Ḥasan suggested that this Child might be under the spell of jinn or fairies, and he said that we should take Him to those knowledgeable in such matters and request protective prayers for Him. Even though I do not believe that such things are true and trustworthy, in the light of his [Siyyid Ḥasan’s] comment I brought Áqá Muḥammad-Ḥasan, the Munajjim [astrologer], to the house and described for him the details. He made some calculations and said, ‘He is protected from the malevolence of jinn and fairies, and he has not suffered any harm from sprites.’ Then he asked for His birthdate. Thereupon, he wrote certain protective charms and prayers and gave them [to us], recited some mysterious verses and, having learned of His birthdate, he left. After the departure of Áqá Muḥammad-Ḥasan, the Child tore up the talismans, the writings he had left, and the sheet of instructions he had given [us], and tossed them out, saying to me, ‘In the words of the mystic: You make a great show of assistance, but I am that assistance.’

The Afnán Kabír of later years, brother-in-law of the Báb.

An alternative reading of this poem is, You bring forth a prayer, and I am that Prayer.

“In short, for some time I have been consumed with the difficulties of this Child, and I do not know which of His conditions I should describe to you. It is now time for His education and training, and I wish Him to receive His tuition and religious training from you.”

I was most astounded by the descriptions of the venerable Mírzá [Muḥammad-Ridá], and the Shaykh was astonished as well. It was decided that at an agreeable time on [the following] Thursday morning the Child would be brought to the school.

On the promised morning, the Child arrived followed by a servant carrying a small [copper-tray] filled with sweets and a student’s version of the Qur’án, which is customary for the new pupil to read from in the schools in Shíráz.

In the original, ghúlám implies a slave or indentured servant.

Because of Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ridá’s descriptions of Him, the Shaykh, several of the students who had reached the age of maturity, and I were thoroughly enthralled in watching Him. He came in, greeted [everyone], and sat before Shaykh Anám. Soon after, His maternal uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, arrived as well and sat next to the Shaykh. After the exchange of formal pleasantries, the Shaykh took the Qur’án from the tray of sweetmeats, opened it, and said [to the young Pupil], “Come Áqá, read.” He smiled and said, “As you please.” As was customary, the Shaykh told Him to read, “He is the Deliverer, the All-Knowing.” His Holiness remained silent. The Shaykh repeated the verse, but He kept His silence. The Shaykh persisted. He [the Báb] asked, “Who is ‘He’. Can you explain?” The Shaykh responded, “‘He’ is God. You are still a child, and what concern of Yours is the meaning of ‘He’?” The Pupil responded, “I am the Deliverer, the All-Knowing!” The Shaykh was deeply enraged and picked up his stick and said to Him, “Do not utter such things here!” His Holiness commenced reading, and His maternal uncle smiled and ordered certain arrangements and then left.

Qur’án 34:25.

Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 75–76, tells a similar story, though considerably different in details.

The late Áqá Muḥammad Ibráhím Ismá‘íl Beg, who was a well-known, trusted, and respected merchant, related:

I was twelve years old at that time, and on that day Siyyid-i Báb came and sat between me and Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ridá Mustawfí who was about the same age as I. In fact, He [the Báb] kneeled, in a refined way. His head was bowed over the student Qur’án, but He did not read a word, so I asked, “Why are You not reading the lesson [aloud] like the other children?” He made no reply; however, two other lads sitting near us [p. 15] were heard reading poems from Háfiz aloud, and they came to this verse:

From Heaven’s heights the birdsong calls to you in sorrow that you’re trapped in walls of clay.

He turned quickly to me and said, “That is your answer.” I replied, “Well done.”

Brief recollections from Áqá Muḥammad Ibráhím have previously appeared in Balyúzí, The Báb, pp. 34–35.

Similarly, it is related:

Since Shaykh Anám was a learned man and a follower of Shaykh Ahmad [Ahsá’í], each morning he conducted a seminary session in Qahviyih Awlíyá where several of his [theological] students would gather to engage him in discussions and debates. One day a scientific topic was being discussed, and after considerable debate it remained unresolved, since it was particularly complex. The venerable Shaykh stated, “Tonight I will study the [authoritative] books on this topic, and tomorrow we will discuss the matter again and solve it completely.” At this point, the exchange was concluded.

Suddenly the young Pupil [who had been listening] raised His blessed head and with sound reasoning, irrefutable proof, and scientific evidence, propounded the answer they sought and removed all complexities. They were wonder-struck and amazed. The [seminarian] students informed the Shaykh that they had no recollection of ever having discussed that topic so that this Child could have memorized it like a parrot and now repeat it for them. They expressed their bewilderment, and the Shaykh responded that he too was filled with awe. Full of amazement, he asked Him where He had gained this knowledge. The Pupil smiled and offered this couplet from Háfiz:

Should the Holy Spirit’s grace again assist, Others too will do what Christ has done.

See Balyúzí, The Báb, p. 35. For similar childhood stories of the Báb, see Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 75–76.

In all events, during those tender years, many such manifestations of extraordinary and innate qualities were observed in Him and are testified to by both friends and foes, and are beyond my abilities to describe.

The Báb in the Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, Surih al-Sina, verse 5, addressing Himself states, “And We favored Thee during Thy Childhood with the mighty Cause of God, as it had been decreed as such in the Mother Book.” In the same Book, Surih al-Ism, verse 34, the Báb proclaims, “Verily, as a child I was aware of the truth of My own Self, and God is the Almighty, the All-knowing.”

His father, Áqá Mír[zá] Muḥammad-Ridá, passed away when the Báb was only nine years old, and from then on He was reared in the bosom of His maternal uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí. This uncle had witnessed such remarkable and astonishing feats by Him with his own eyes, that when He declared His Cause, without requiring any proof or evidence, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí readily and unhesitatingly accepted His claim and became a believer. He sacrificed his life and possessions in the path of the Beloved of the world.

In the Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, Surih al-Jihad, verse 39, the Báb states, “O My God, My Lord! Verily, in accordance with Thy will, My father passed away, and I do not remember Him. My Master, when he is seated with the heavenly angels, inform him of My Cause and record him in this Mighty Book.”

The Testimony of the Khál A‘zam

My paternal grandmother, [Zahrá Bagum], who was a paternal cousin of the Báb’s mother, related that she had personally heard the uncle [Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí] discussing [the claim of the Báb] with his younger brother, Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí, and the latter was resisting the argument saying, “Brother, what religious principles are these that you have turned to now? You have departed from our ancestral religion and follow our Nephew!” The eminent, martyred-uncle responded, “You should know well that God Most High has fulfilled the proof before me. After what I saw with my own eyes in His childhood and what I know with complete confidence about him since His adulthood, there is no room for doubt for anyone, especially for me.”

He then continued:

Have you forgotten our journey to Sabz-Púshán when He was a child aged nine years old? There was a group of us, and He came along as well. When we arrived, being completely exhausted, we performed our ablutions, offered our late afternoon and the evening obligatory prayers, [p. 20] paid our homage of visitation, ate dinner, and went to bed. It was not long after, at midnight, that I awoke and noticed that He was not in bed. Deeply perturbed, I was overtaken with anxiety that perhaps He had fallen from the mountain. Finally, after searching extensively, I heard a voice raised in the obligatory prayer and prayers of glorification to the Lord, coming from the lower extremities [of the mountain]. When I followed the melody of that chant, I found the Child, standing alone and in private, in consummate rapture voicing prayers and supplications to the One Who transcends all mention, on the deserted mountainside and at that late hour of the night. My beloved brother, I ask: After observing such things, is there any room for doubt? With a knowledge born of certainty, with truth that stands most manifest, and with my own unimpeachable observations, it is thoroughly evident that the Promised One whom we had anticipated has now appeared after twelve hundred and sixty years. The proof has been completed. Whosoever denies these revealed verses, each page of which stands equal to the whole of the Qur’án, must surely be among the most inequitable.

A.Q. Afnán suggests that based on extensive family correspondence examined by him, the Báb began to work in His uncle’s office at the age of ten, and it was at the age of fifteen—the age of maturity in Islamic law—that He moved to Búshihr (private communications, August 1992). The same information is provided by the Báb Himself in the Kitáb Fihrist, “After My childhood had passed, by the will of God, I began the occupation of commerce as this was decreed by God, and I commenced this from the age of ten.”

In short, our grandmother often spoke to us on this theme.

Chapter 2 Commerce and Marriage Commerce

[p. 21:4] When the Báb had reached the age of fifteen, He joined the commercial office of His uncle, [Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí], in Shíráz. He remained for a short while in Shíráz and then moved to the port city of Búshihr. In that city, His office was in the Mínandí caravansary. Although it was before the declaration of His Cause, the many signs and evidences of His sanctity and the wondrous verses that flowed from His blessed pen would attract the envy and the jealousy of men of learning.

Nicolas, Seyyed Ali Mohammad dit le Bab, p. 189, n. 131, on the authority of Hájí Mírzá Jání of Kashan, whom Nicolas assumed to be the author of the Kitáb-i Nuqtatu’l-Kaf, suggests that at the age of eighteen the Báb revealed Risálih Fiqihiyyih.

A similar translation appears in Balyúzí, The Báb, pp. 39–40.

One day in Egypt during the time when the illustrious Abú’l-Fadl was occupied with writing the Kitáb-i Fará’íd, we came to talk about the early years of the Báb prior to His declaration and the period when He was engaged in trading. Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl related the following to me:

I myself heard Hájí Siyyid Javád known as Karbalá’í relate that

when His Holiness [the Báb] was active as a merchant in Búshihr, because of my friendship and close association with His maternal uncles, I used to stay with them whenever I visited either Shíráz or Búshihr. One day Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, a maternal uncle [of the Báb], came to me with a request, “Give some good counsel to my Nephew. Tell Him not to write or speak about certain studies that can only provoke the jealousy of certain people. These people cannot tolerate seeing a young merchant of little schooling demonstrate such scientific erudition and therefore become envious and resentful.” He was very insistent that I should counsel Him [to desist from such activities], but in the end I replied with this verse:

The luster of the fair of face cannot be veiled, Shut him in and out of eyelet will he show his visage.

and added:

“We are earthbound and He is celestial. Our counsel is no use to Him.”

The Báb indicates He was in Búshihr for five years; see Selections from the Writings of the Báb, pp. 180–81.

In Búshihr He engaged in commerce for six years and associated with all strata of society, including the ‘ulamá, the merchants, and the shopkeepers, and dealt with all in such wise that they were very satisfied and grateful in every respect. In every gathering and assembly, men praised His splendid qualities.

The ‘Atabát is a general term referring to the region where Najaf, Karbalá, Kázimayn, and Sámarrá are located. The first of the two cities hold within them the Shrines of Imám ‘Alí and Imám Ḥusayn, respectively. Kázimayn is famous because the Shrines of the seventh and the ninth Imáms are located there. Sámarrá is where the Shrines of the tenth and the eleventh Imáms, ‘Alí an-Naqi and Ḥasan al-‘Askarí, are situated

During one of my journeys to the sacred presence of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, He spoke one day about the time the Báb stayed [in Búshihr] and of his commercial activities. He stated:

During His stay in Búshihr, the Báb achieved extraordinary things and thoroughly demolished the foundation of people’s corrupt practices. The merchants of Búshihr had a custom that after a deal had been concluded they would renege and barter to receive a considerable discount. Some of them came to His Holiness, negotiated purchase of indigo dye, and bought a very large quantity. After they had sealed the bargain and moved the lots of indigo to their own office, they returned to renege and bargain. His Holiness did not accept and said, “You made a bargain, [p. 25] signed papers, and the transaction has been completed. I will not give a discount and will not renegotiate.” They insisted. He replied, “What I said is final.” They pleaded, “It is the custom of the country.” He responded, “Many of these customs are wrong and will soon be abolished.” No matter how much they insisted, He would not agree. The merchants were obstinate, and at last He said, “[If] the price is high, return the merchandise as I will not barter.” They insisted, “It is the custom here.” He replied, “I wish to put an end to this custom.” They insisted, “If a merchant has bought commodities and moved them to his warehouse, and then returns them, he will forfeit his standing with merchants.” “It is your choice,” He told them, “accept the terms and refrain from re-negotiation.” Again they insisted, “But this is the custom of the realm.” Yet again, He reminded them, “I am ending this custom.”

‘Abdu’l-Bahá continued relating:

Eventually, He [the Báb] ordered the merchandise brought back to His shop and did not yield to their efforts at bargaining. He changed many of their unseemly practices during the period He was a merchant in Búshihr.

Soon thereafter, one of His maternal uncles arrived at Búshihr, and the same merchants who had returned the indigo dye came to see the uncle and complained about His behavior, saying, “He has ruined our reputation. We had a deal on dyes, however, as customary, we wished to renegotiate, but He did not comply. He arranged for the goods to be brought back from our store. This is a great insult to us as merchants. You should counsel Him not to repeat such offenses.”

The maternal uncle approached the Báb advising Him, “Why do You refuse to yield to people’s wishes and disrupt the established customs of the realm?” He told him, “Even now, if they should wish to bargain after a transaction is completed, I would refuse again.”

That was a very blissful day. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá smiled unceasingly and repeated several times, “Prior to His declaration, the Báb announced that He would change many of the accepted ways.”

In short, after six years’ residence in Búshihr, [the Báb] wrote several times to His uncles, “I plan to visit the ‘Atabát. One of you should come to Búshihr and take over the business so I can commence my journey to the ‘Atabát.” The uncles procrastinated and did not comply with His wish. When the time for His departure arrived, He settled His accounts with everyone, prepared a detailed ledger, sealed the books, and left them in the office. He then sealed the entrance to the office and entrusted the key to the custodian of that building with the instructions that whichever of His maternal uncles should arrive first from Shíráz to Búshihr should be allowed to enter. Thereupon, He wrote to Shíráz “Though I wrote you repeatedly asking that one of you come to Búshihr as I have a journey to the ‘Atabát in mind, you have not come. Therefore, I have sealed the door of the shop and entrusted the key to the custodian and have left for the ‘Atabát.” So, after six years in Búshihr, He left for the ‘Atabát.

The ‘Atabát is a general term referring to the region where Najaf, Karbalá, Kázimayn, and Sámarrá are located. The first of the two cities hold within them the Shrines of Imám ‘Alí and Imám Ḥusayn, respectively. Kázimayn is famous because the Shrines of the seventh and the ninth Imáms are located there. Sámarrá is where the Shrines of the tenth and the eleventh Imáms, ‘Alí an-Naqi and Ḥasan al-‘Askarí, are situated.

Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl, Táríkh Zuhúr Díyánt Hadrat Báb va Hadrat Bahá’u’lláh, gives the date of Báb’s departure as 1 Rabí‘u’l-Avval AH 1257 [23 April 1841].

Once His blessed letter was received in Shíráz, [His eldest maternal uncle,] Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad became deeply worried and perturbed, complaining, “What manner of conduct is this? Our good name in the commercial community will be ruined, and the chain of our business transactions will be broken! What will happen to our accounts with the people?” To this, the illustrious uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, responded, “Rest assured! I know Him, and our Nephew does not do anything wrong. [I am certain that] He has arranged people’s accounts before leaving.”

The uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, set out for Búshihr. Upon his arrival, he secured the key from the custodian of the caravansary, noted the seal on the door of the room, opened the door, and began a careful examination of the books. He found that the accounts relating to every person were most satisfactory and accurate. Relieved, he wrote to his brothers, “the accounts and record books are in order” [p. 30] and expressed praise and gratitude for their Nephew.

A.Q. Afnán suggests that it was the younger uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, who went on Búshihr. (Private communications, Nov. 1992).

For a brief description of the Báb’s stay in Búshihr, see Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 77–80.

In the ‘Atabát

The Báb arrived at the ‘Atabát. His blessed stay in the ‘Atabát is an extensive story, but it will be related here briefly, as our attention is focused on events in Fárs.

One day Mullá Ḥusayn, who at that time was engaged in studies in the ‘Atabát under the tutelage of Siyyid [Kázim Rashtí], saw His Holiness [the Báb] while He was standing in prayer at the sanctuary of the Shrine of the Prince of Martyrs. He saw a young Siyyid, aged twenty-two, offering His supplications with an intense humility and rapture that was not to be observed previously among any of the ‘ulamá, the mystics, or the pilgrims [to that sacred Shrine]. He was carried away with petitioning God and performing the rites of pilgrimage. Mullá Ḥusayn was astounded and attracted by his beauty and perfection. He approached [the Báb] and greeted Him. However, wrapped in devotions, His Holiness did not reply. Mullá Ḥusayn moved to the back and waited there. Having completed the pilgrimage prayers in the inner sanctuary, [the Báb] went out to the courtyard, and to Mullá Ḥusayn’s utter astonishment, repeated the pilgrimage prayers there.

A reference to Imám Ḥusayn.

Once more, Mullá Ḥusayn approached and greeted Him. Being occupied with His prayers, [the Báb] did not respond, which further deepened the Akhúnd’s wonder.

Mullá Ḥusayn is referred to as ‘Akhúnd’, meaning a lower-level divine who serves the people, somewhat analogous to a parish priest or a teacher of divinity at a school. The term has become pejorative in modern times but has been retained in several places in the present translation in the interest of authenticity. In a few places though it has been replaced with ‘Mullá Ḥusayn’ to clarify the meaning

When [the Báb] had completed the pilgrimage prayers, He moved outside from the courtyard. The Akhúnd [Mullá Ḥusayn] approached Him and greeted Him. This time, [the Báb] returned his greeting and apologized, “Twice you have showed your courtesy, but absorbed and transported in the rites of pilgrimage, concentrating only on the exalted Shrine of the Imám—upon Him be peace—I did not respond. For this, I wish to apologize. Whosoever attains that sacred ground must forget himself and all worldly matters. As such, I had become oblivious of My own Self and overcome with other conditions. Once more, I apologize to you.”

For a description of a similar observation by Shaykh Ḥasan Zunúzí, see Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, p. 30.

Hearing such a speech only served to enhance the amazement of the Akhúnd, as he had never thought that a young merchant could manifest such extraordinary depth of humility, reverence, piety, and veneration. It was unusual and contrary to the fashionable neglect of religion. Therefore, he extensively expressed the depth of his gratitude and thanks, and asked, “Master, where is Your home, for I wish to make the customary courtesy call?” [The Báb] told him how to find the house. [Mullá Ḥusayn] then said, “Siyyid [Kázim Rashtí] holds a service of prayers and admonition at his own home every Friday morning. Should You decide to attend, it would greatly honor the assembly, and we would be profoundly grateful.” [The Báb] responded, “There is no harm in that,” and promised to attend the session.

The Akhúnd reported with great care the details of what had transpired to Siyyid [Kázim] who had smiled and recited this verse:

That which my heart had understood in dreams
was hidden behind this veil, and is now found.

During the last two or three years, Hájí Siyyid Kázim Rashtí devoted his sermons and lectures solely to the manifestation of the Promised Proof. He repeatedly expounded on the signs of His appearance and the characteristics of the Lord of Command. Many a time he would tell [his students that the promised Qá’im] must be young, not instructed by anyone else, and must be a scion of the Baní-Háshim.

That is, a direct descendant of the Prophet Muḥammad.

On the morning of the appointed Friday, [the Báb] made his promised visit to the home of the Siyyid where the latter was occupied with preaching from the pulpit and the house was filled to capacity with worshippers. Finding no seat available, His Holiness [the Báb] sat at the threshold. On seeing His countenance, the late Siyyid said no more, preferring pure silence. All those present were astonished. After a quarter of an hour, he resumed an oration regarding the signs of the manifestation of the Promised One. He said, “Behold, He is manifest as the sun” [p. 35]. With these words he concluded his arguments and descended the pulpit. It was at this moment that with the utmost reverence Akhúnd Mullá Ḥusayn approached His Holiness [the Báb] and led Him to a seat next to the Siyyid.

See Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, p. 27, where Nabíl outlines slightly different recollections of that day from Shaykh Ḥasan Zunúzí.

Were I to detail the sojourn of the Báb in the ‘Atabát and the events that transpired there and the glad tidings imparted by the late Siyyid, it would be like a Qur’án commentary or a thick book of history. But our purpose is to outline the events in Fárs.

Return from the ‘Atabát

After six months of His blessed stay in the ‘Atabát had passed, His mother, longing to see her only Offspring, earnestly petitioned her brother, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, to proceed for the ‘Atabát and to bring His Holiness to Shíráz—a matter that she greatly insisted upon. Deeply devoted to his sister and Nephew, the illustrious uncle agreed and proceeded at once to the ‘Atabát.

On meeting His Holiness, he stated, “I have come to accompany you in Your return to Shíráz.” [The Báb] refused. However much the uncle insisted, He refused, stating, “I intend to remain in the ‘Atabát for some time.”

Because his sister was looking forward to His Holiness’s arrival in Shíráz, the uncle did not defer to this refusal. Through a message transmitted by Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í, he appealed to the Siyyid [Kázim] to convince His Holiness to return to Shíráz.

One day, the uncle himself went to the home of the Siyyid [Kázim] and explained the situation as follows: “My Nephew lived in Búshihr for six years before coming to the ‘Atabát. His mother has no other child beside Him and deeply longs to see Him and plans to arrange for His marriage. He has not consented to what I say, in bidding Him return to Shíráz. Therefore, I beg of you to speak with Him, that He may accompany me to Shíráz.” At first, the Siyyid replied, “Is it up to us to interfere? Allow us the benefit of His presence for a while longer.” The illustrious uncle responded, “As His mother is anticipating His arrival and her approval is important as well, kindly tell Him to agree to return to Shíráz.”

Eventually, the Siyyid transmitted the message to His Holiness [the Báb], saying, “If it pleases You, return to Shíráz.” Because it was the wish of the Siyyid, His Holiness agreed. In the company of His uncle, He set out for Shíráz.

The following is noted in Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, pp. 132–33, on the authority of Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, volume 3: Because of the insistence of the mother of the Báb and other kinsmen as well as his own profound desire, Hájí Mír[zá] Siyyid ‘Alí, the Khál, had come to Karbalá. One day the Báb met Mullá Sádiq [Khurásání] in the courtyard of the Shrine of Imám Ḥusayn. The Báb said to him, “My uncle has recently arrived from Shíráz, and if you wish to meet him, come to our abode.” The Akhúnd expressed his deep interest and with thanks assured Him he would come. That very afternoon he went to the home of the Báb where a great many of the ‘ulamá, merchants, and other dignitaries were present, with the Khál sitting and conversing with the guests, and the Báb serving tea and sherbet. Mullá Sádiq spoke of the Báb’s peerless qualities and His exalted character. In response, the Khál said, “Even though our entire family is well known in Shíráz and its vicinity for our pious nature and goodly characters, yet this Youth shines like a most brilliant candle in our midst, and it is most evident that He is cut from a different cloth. Our one wish is for Him to undertake study of divers sciences so it would bring added honor to us. However, He refuses.” Mullá Sádiq responded, “If you do not take Him with you to Shíráz, I will see to it that He is engaged in studying.” Thrilled at the prospect, the Khál stated, “Even though it is very agonizing for His mother and other kinsmen to be far from Him, yet because of your assurance, I will return by myself to Shíráz.” A few days later, the Khál returned to his native city and left the Báb in Karbalá. However, it was not long thereafter that He, too, returned to Shíráz.

Marriage

There He rejoined His mother and relatives. After several months He expressed the desire to return to the ‘Atabát. Hearing that His Holiness entertained such considerations caused His mother to grow deeply anxious, and with great urgency she spoke with her brother, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, about His marriage. Having spoken with the illustrious consort, Khadíjih-Sultán Bagum, daughter of the late Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí and a paternal cousin of the Báb’s mother, the arrangements for the wedding ceremony were made. The wedding took place on Friday, the eighteenth of Rajab AH 1258 [25 August 1842] in the presence of an assemblage of the merchants, the noblemen, and the ‘ulamá of Fárs.

As customary on such occasions, the wedding consisted of two separate celebrations, one for the men and the other for the women. The men gathered in the house of the Báb’s uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, while the women gathered in the residence of Khadíjih Bagum’s father, which house was next door. The wedding was conducted by Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum‘ih (A.Q. Afnán, private communications, August 1992).

A copy of the Báb’s marriage certificate provides the same date, see Balyúzí, The Báb page opposite 80, and Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, pp. 158–61. The Báb refers to His wedding as follows: “O concourse of Light! Hear My call from the point of Fire in this ocean of snow-white water on this crimson earth. Verily, I am God, besides Whom there is no other God. On the exalted throne a beloved noble woman, bearing the same name [Khadíjih] as the beloved of the First Friend [the Prophet Muḥammad], was wedded to this Great Remembrance; and verily, I caused the angels of Heaven and the denizens of Paradise, on the day of the Covenant, to bear witness, in truth, to God’s Remembrance” (The Báb, Qayyúmu’l-Asma’, Surih of Qarábat [The Chapter of Kinship], quoted in Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, pp. 7–8).

And since the appointed time for His Manifestation was near, He did not travel anywhere, but prayers and verses in Arabic and expositions on [divine] sciences continually flowed from His pen.

Ahmad, the Báb’s Son

After a year, that is in AH 1259 [1843], God granted Him a son who died at birth. Before his birth, [the Báb] had prophesied, “The child is a boy named Ahmad, but it is not his destiny to live.” The child was buried in the Bíbí Dukhtarán cemetery of Shíráz. My paternal grandmother, [Zahrá Bagum], who was the sister of Khadíjih Bagum, related for me the details surrounding the child’s birth:

Thus named since the tomb of Bíbí Dukhtarán is located there. For further details, consult Fasa’i, Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 2, p. 1131.

[p. 40] The delivery of the child was very difficult, to the point that several times we lost all hope for the mother’s recovery. During the final surge of the labor pains, the mother of His Holiness went to Him. He asked her, “Has she delivered?” to which she responded negatively. [The Báb] then took a small mirror that lay by His side, penned a prayer and a talisman on the face of the mirror, gave it to His mother, [saying that she should] take it to His wife and hold it before her face. She took the mirror and held it before [Khadíjih Bagum]. As her gaze fell upon the mirror, instantly the lifeless child was delivered, and the mother recovered.

The following passage from The Báb, Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’, Surih Qarábih, is addressed to Khadíjih Bagum (cited in Balyúzí, Khadíjih Bagum, pp. 8–9, edited slightly below): “O well-beloved! Prize thou highly the grace of the Great Remembrance for it cometh from God, the Loved One. Thou shalt not be a woman like unto others, if thou obeyest God in the Cause of Truth, the Most Great Truth. Know thou the great bounty conferred upon thee by the Ancient of Days, and take pride in being the consort of the Well-Beloved, Who is loved by God, the Most Great. Sufficient unto thee is this glory, which cometh unto thee from God, the All-Wise, the All-Praised. Be patient in all that God hath ordained concerning the Báb and His family. Verily, thy son, Ahmad, is with Fátimih [the Prophet Muḥammad’s daughter], the Sublime, in the sanctified Paradise.” Also, see Balyúzí, Khadíjih Bagum, p. 9, for another mention by the Báb of his son Ahmad, in Suratu’l-‘Abd of the Qayyúmu’l-Asmá’.

The Báb’s mother then returned to His presence and remonstrated with her Son, “As You evidently possessed such [preternatural] abilities, why did You not perform this act sooner and preserve the life of the child?” He smiled and replied, “It is not My destiny to leave any progeny.” His mother was infuriated with this comment but said no more.

See Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 76–77, for a brief reference to this incident and a purported prayer by the Báb marking the passing of His son.

The wife of the Báb recounted for me:

One night I dreamt that there was a fearsome male lion in the courtyard. My hands were around the neck of the lion. The beast dragged me around the courtyard two and a half times. I woke up, profoundly alarmed and trembling with fright. His Holiness asked me the cause of my agitation, and I told him what I had dreamt. His comment was: “You awoke too soon, as [your dream portends that] our life together will not last more than two-and-a-half years.” And what He said, transpired.

Chapter 3 The Burning Bush

[p. 41:10] It proceeded thus until finally the declaration of the Báb took place on the eve of Friday, the fifth day of Jamádíyu’l-Avval AH 1260 [23 May 1844], two hours and eleven minutes into the night. There is a magnificent story of these wonderful events related by the wife of the Báb as follows:

The exact time and date of the Báb’s declaration is given in the Persian Bayán 2:7.

The practice of His Holiness was that each day He would return home about an hour after the sunset and commence devotions, the chanting of the names of God, and writing. About three hours into the night He would have the evening meal and would retire about four hours past sunset. In the morning, He would rise one hour before the dawn and, after washing, would perform His ablutions and then proceed to the upper chambers of the House, which had been set aside as His formal guestroom and formed an outer apartment. There, He stood to recite tablets of visitation, prayers, supplications, and to repeat the names of God. When the sun had risen, Fiddih would fire up the samovar and prepare the tea in the chamber occupied by His mother. His Holiness would come down to that apartment and have the morning tea. After that, He would proceed to His merchant office to engage in His own business.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh adds parenthetically: Fiddih and Mubárak were two Black servants purchased in Búshihr during His days of commerce.

However, one night, unlike other nights, He came home at dusk, saying, “Tell Fiddih to prepare whatever we are having for the evening meal sooner than usual. Tonight I have a particular task to attend to.” About an hour and a half into the night, the dinner was served, and He joined us for this purpose. Afterwards, Fiddih brought water for Him to wash His blessed hands, and, as usual in the evenings, she spread our bedding and retired to her own quarters. His Holiness retired for the night.

It was not long after that I saw Him rise from the bed and leave the room, going to the outer courtyard. At first, I thought He had gone to the lavatory. When considerable time had passed and He did not return, I was seized by apprehension. I rose from my bed and left the apartment. I looked in the lavatory but did not see Him. Checking the street door, I found it locked from within. I looked in the chamber of His mother and did not find Him there either. By then I was deeply bewildered and perplexed. I walked to the western part of the house and looked up towards the upper chamber, situated on the eastern wing of the House and serving as His private quarters, and saw that it was well lighted. It seemed as if a thousand lamps illumined the room. This added to my surprise, because there were no guests to require so many lamps. Therefore, full of astonishment, I went up the steps to the room. When I entered, I found that the room was so brilliantly lit that it dazzled my eyes, although there was only a single lamp.

[p. 45] I saw His Holiness standing, facing the Qiblih; His hands raised heavenwards, intoning a prayer. As soon as my gaze fell upon His blessed Being, I beheld such majesty and resplendence as is beyond my powers to explain. Suddenly, such awe and trepidation enveloped me that I stood transfixed where I was, trembling uncontrollably like a leaf. I could neither retrace my steps nor stand. I was close to losing consciousness. All kinds of perplexities enveloped me. Suddenly He made a gesture with His blessed hand, telling me to go back. This movement of His sanctified hands released me from that state, and I returned to the apartment and bed. But I could not sleep, and I remained deeply disturbed. Every detail of the image of His blessed Person and that scene [in the upper chamber] added to my consternation. I felt like a wrongdoer who has fallen short and awaits the all-powerful sovereign to pass sentence on her. I did not sleep that night, until the mu’adhdhin’s call to morning prayers sounded from the mosque adjacent to the house.

Each mosque has one or more mu’adhdhin who announce the time for the obligatory worship (salát).

After the adhán [call to prayer] He came downstairs. As soon as my eyes alighted on His blessed Countenance, I was seized by awe and perplexity. He no longer seemed like the Person with whom I had lived for two and a half years. I did not have the courage to utter a word. In any case, the sun was rising and I rose, carried out my ablutions, and performed the obligatory prayer.

In accordance with our daily routine, our servant, Fiddih, had prepared the samovar and tea in the room of His mother and informed us that the tea was ready. Accompanied by Him, I proceeded there. In His mother’s room, He drank some tea. Each moment added to my perplexity and conjecturing. With His blessed hand He poured a cup of tea, passed it to me, and with a heavenly smile said, “What is it that troubles you? You are distraught.” I drank the tea, which eased my perturbation and anxiety to some extent. I said, “Áqá, what exalted state was it that I witnessed in Your chamber last night?” He replied, “At what an extraordinary time you arrived! That was untimely. But it was the will of God that you should see it with your own eyes. Know and be certain that at that very moment the One Exalted God appointed Me for the guidance of these servants. I am that Promised One whose advent they have been expecting. For the past twelve hundred and sixty years they have perpetually beseeched the Almighty for His appearance. I am the one appointed for the salvation of the people.”

As soon as I heard Him speak these words, I kissed His knees and became a believer in Him. In prostration, I raised my voice in gratitude to the Lord for having enabled me to recognize Him.

See Balyúzí, Khadíjih Bagum, pp. 10–13, for a different rendering. In Kitáb Fihrist, the Báb states that the fi rst descent of Spirit on Him was on 15th of the third month of AH 1260 [3 April 1844]. From this it is possible to infer that the event described by Khadíjih Bagum occurred on that date.

It was thus that the first woman to believe in Him was the illustrious wife of the Báb, [Khadíjih Bagum], and among the men of this family [the Afnán], it was the martyred uncle, [Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí,] and among the ‘ulamá it was Akhúnd Mullá Ḥusayn Bushrú’í, the Bábu’l-Báb, whose story will be recounted next.

The Evidence Presented to Akhúnd Mullá Ḥusayn in Shíráz and How He Attained [to the Bahá’í Faith]

The section pertaining to Mullá Ḥusayn correlates closely with the narrative of Siyyid Ḥusayn Hamadání (see Táríkh-i Jadíd, pp. 35–39), which is purported to be based on recollections of Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Wahháb Khurásání from utterances of Mullá Ḥusayn and captured in the history of Hájí Mírzá Jání of Káshán. The present translator has not been able to determine if a copy of Mírzá Jání’s valuable history was in the possession of the early Afnán family. However, it is known that Mírzá Jání’s original text, which is about 80 or pages long, is extant and is in the possession of a non-Bahá’í in Tihrán. Although he did not allow his precious manuscript to be copied, because of his longstanding friendship with Fádil Mázandarání he permitted the latter to examine this document, and he certified its authenticity. See Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 52–66, for Nabíl’s moving, though very different, description of the Báb’s declaration.

After the passing of Siyyid [Kázim Rashtí], who was a harbinger of this blessed Manifestation, the Akhúnd [Mullá Ḥusayn] was afflicted with great perturbation and restlessness. Together with a group of fellow-students, who numbered more than forty, he undertook a period of meditation. The group included Áqá Mírzá [Siyyid] Muḥammad-‘Alí Bárfurúshí, Mullá ‘Alí Bastámí, Akhúnd Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Jalíl Khú’í, Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Hádí, Mírzá Muḥammad-Hádí, Áqá Siyyid Ḥasan Yazdí, Mullá Ḥasan Bajistání, Mullá Báshír, Mullá Báqir Turk, and Mullá Ahmad Abdal—all of them learned men who were expecting the manifestation of the Promised One. Details related to each one of them are captured in the historical narratives, and our intention is only to recount the events of Fárs.

Quddús had returned to his native town some months prior to Siyyid Kázim’s passing; see Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 405–7.

After a period of forty days of ascetic observance in the Masjid Kufih and Masjid Sahlih, the Akhúnd [Mullá Ḥusayn] established a pact with his companions that if any one of them should hear the Call of the Truth, he would inform the others at once. Feeling himself drawn towards Shíráz, he set out.

Because he had been acquainted with His Holiness [the Báb] during His time in the ‘Atabát, when he arrived in Shíráz he desired [p. 50] a meeting and inquired where His Holiness lived. He wished to pass the few days he would remain in Shíráz in His home. [Locating the Báb’s House], he knocked at the door, and His Holiness Himself came and opened the door. He warmly greeted and welcomed the Akhúnd, and expressed great kindness and affection. Together they proceeded to the upper room that served as the guestroom. [The Báb] said, “All day I have felt disinclined to go to the caravansary. Evidently this was because of your arrival.”

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh adds parenthetically: The Báb’s place of business was at the custom building, known as the caravansary.

After they had exchanged the customary inquiries and pleasantries, tea was served, and the Host enjoyed it with the Akhúnd [Mullá Ḥusayn]. After showing him the courtesies due to a guest, the Host asked about the teachings and doctrines, the station and character of Shaykh [Ahmad] and Siyyid [Kázim]. Mullá Ḥusayn replied, “Whatever the topic under discussion, their whole focus was the Traditions and sayings based on the glad tidings of the manifestation of the Promised One.” The Báb then asked, “You, the Shaykhís, have an essential doctrine that, after the passing of the late Siyyid, there must be someone else who assumes his title. It is now five months since his death. After him, who is the leader of the cause?” “As yet,” [Mullá Ḥusayn] replied, “we have recognized no one. After him, no successor is specified. Rather, we anticipate the Author of the Cause, Whose advent is expected by all, to appear.” “What manner of man,” He asked, “must the Author of the Cause be?” The Akhúnd pondered for a moment and then enumerated a certain number of the spiritual and physical characteristics of the expected Person. “Do you observe these in Me?” As Mullá Ḥusayn had not observed any signs of knowledge during his Host’s residence in Karbalá and knew that He had not studied with the deceased teachers, responded, “I do not see any of these qualities in you.” His Holiness did not respond to this.

The original Arabic phrase literally means “theoretical and practical.”

After a while, [Mullá Ḥusayn] observed several books in a small niche. Examining one of them, he found it to be a commentary on the Surih Baqara. After reading a little, he saw that it was a commentary like no other. He was astonished and asked who the author might be. “A mere youthful beginner,” He answered, “who has much other knowledge and attainments, in addition to this.” Again, he asked who and where the writer was. “You see Him.” Mullá Ḥusayn did not apprehend His meaning, “You see Him.” He read another page, where it was written, “the explanation of the essence of the essence.” Considering this an error, he stated, “It should be, ‘the explanation of the essence’” He answered, “It is, ‘the explanation of the essence of the essence.’ What can I say! The Author of this commentary writes masterfully and with utmost authority. Consider the passage attentively.” This time, the Akhúnd read more closely and realized that the phrase, “exposition of the essence of the essence,” was correct as it was written. He said, “I am tired. You read some more, and I will listen.” His Holiness read for a time, and then with the customary haughtiness of an Akhúnd, Mullá Ḥusayn said, “It is enough. That was sufficient. Do not trouble Yourself any further.”

See, Lawson, “The Qur’án Commentary of Sayyid ‘Alí Muḥammad, the Báb.” For copies of manuscripts see, MacEoin, The Sources for Early Bábí Doctrine and History.

Mullá Ḥusayn enjoyed lunch and then rested for a while. In the late afternoon, His Holiness had invited several merchants and Shaykhí ‘ulamá to drink tea and meet the Akhúnd. [In the course of the conversation,] it was agreed that the next morning they would all gather at Masjid Ilkhání where the Akhúnd would deliver a lecture.

The group gathered, as appointed, in the mosque. When the Akhúnd [Mullá Ḥusayn] wanted to start his discourse, he found that in place of eloquent expression and clear explanations, he had become tongue-tied, to the extent that he lost all power of speech. Filled with amazement, he thought, “this is so contrary to custom and nature, it must have some purpose,” and he wondered “who is exercising this secret control, and what might be his object in rendering me mute and in such state of ecstasy that, in this gathering, I am like one who has been transported in spirit?” [p. 55]. Such was his powerlessness, and so strong the astonishment and emotion which took possession of him, that he was not able to speak on any topic, and he cancelled the meeting and returned to his lodgings, deeply bewildered.

The next day when he wished to deliver his lecture, he found himself even more mute and devoid of ready knowledge than the previous day. There was nothing he could do but apologize to the audience.

The same happened on the third day. On this last occasion, he departed from the mosque in a state of utmost misery and perplexity. The Exalted One, noting Mullá Ḥusayn’s despondency, told the rest of their friends to go to their own houses, while he took Mullá Ḥusayn, with his consent, to His own home.

When they arrived at His Sacred House, after a short rest, the Báb said, “By what proofs and signs of his station, can you recognize the Author of the Cause, and by what proof can you pass from distraction and wandering in the valley of search to recognizing the Beloved and have complete confidence in the guidance He gives?” Mullá Ḥusayn answered, “By scientific writings and by the Exalted Point which is the well-spring and center of all the knowledge of past and future prophets and saints.” “Do you perceive these qualities in Me?” He inquired, “What if I were so endowed with such attributes?” Upon hearing this, Mullá Ḥusayn was deeply perturbed, and said, “That You are devout, godly, and holy of life, is true; but innate knowledge and infinite wisdom are the only entry and evidence of this most exalted Station.” At this comment, His Holiness was silent for while as though in wonder, while Mullá Ḥusayn thought to himself, “What idea can this devout and sincere Youth be harboring that He so persistently introduces this topic, although he has no education? I must at all events ask some questions of His honored Person which He has never heard discussed and cannot answer, so that He may be turned aside from His vain imaginings.”

Therefore, he presented to His Holiness a question which appeared to him very difficult to resolve, and which he had always had in mind during the lifetime of the late Siyyid [Kázim], but had never found an opportunity of propounding it in such wise as to have the difficulty removed in a satisfactory manner. Without hesitation, his Host provided a full and sufficient answer. Mullá Ḥusayn was filled with amazement. He asked another difficult question, which his Host again answered comprehensively and conclusively. Mute with astonishment, [Mullá Ḥusayn] reflected to himself, “Is not this Youth Who but a few days ago did not correctly read the Commentary on the Surih Baqara? How is it that He has now become the source and well-spring of all the sciences of the past?” All manners of thoughts filled his being.

All of a sudden, he observed His Holiness anew: he was sitting in a most dignified and majestic attitude, the left hand laid on the left knee and the right hand over it. He began to utter most wondrous verses containing answers to whatever question passed through Mullá Ḥusayn’s mind, until many verses had been revealed from the Fount of Divine Revelation. During this entire period, Mullá Ḥusayn waited anxiously for Him to conclude, so strong was the fear and awe that possessed him.

At length He ceased, and [Mullá Ḥusayn], in the extremity of terror, rose up to flee, as some delinquent might flee from a mighty sovereign. He asked permission to take his leave, but His Holiness responded, “Remain seated! Where are you going? Anyone who beholds you in this state would think you had lost your mind.” Constrained by His bidding, he could do nothing but sit again, while His Holiness withdrew to the private section of the House.

During His absence, the Akhúnd [Mullá Ḥusayn] was prey to most anxious thoughts. Care for worldly interests and the possibility of opposition from divers quarters, the need for caution and prudence, all passed through his mind. However, he realized that in the presence of the Lord, he could not be insincere, nor offer excuses and objections. [p. 60] He saw no way out save confession and acceptance. He was greatly perturbed, agitated, and troubled beyond all measure.

An hour later, contrary to His practice on other days, the Báb Himself brought in the tea, seated Himself near Akhúnd [Mullá Ḥusayn], and showered him with most gracious expressions. He poured tea [for Mullá Ḥusayn] and handed him the cup, but the honored Akhúnd, remained as one distraught and so amazed that he again asked permission to depart. “You are still in a state of extreme bewilderment,” [the Báb] informed him, “though you are not yourself aware of it. Anyone who saw you in this state, would think you were possessed.”

After an hour, however, when he had regained his composure, [Mullá Ḥusayn] was permitted to take his leave.

The date of the Báb’s Declaration is fixed in the Persian Bayán 6:13 and 2:7, “And from the moment when the Tree of the Bayán appeared until it disappeared is the Resurrection of the Apostle of God, as is divinely foretold in the Qur’án; the beginning of which was when two hours and eleven minutes had passed on the eve of the fifth of Jamádíyu’l-Avval, AH 1260 [22 May 1844], which is the year of 1270 of the Declaration of the Mission of Muḥammad” (translation in Selections from the Writings of the Báb, p. 107). In a Tablet in honor of Mírzá Qábil of Ábádih, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá specifies this date as Kamál (8th) of Azamat; see Ishráq-Khávarí, Gangínih Hudúd va Ahkám, p. 426.

On the occasion of the next visit, [Mullá Ḥusayn] was shown a commentary that the Báb had written on the Hadíth-i Jariyyih. He read it and recalled that the late Siyyid [Kázim] had stated when he was alive that the Proof Who was to appear would compose a full explanation of this Tradition. Now Mullá Ḥusayn saw his Promised manifest before him. Moreover, he remembered that one day, when he was alone with the late Siyyid [Kázim] in the library, in the course of conversation, he [Mullá Ḥusayn] had asked why the Surih Yúsuf [Joseph] of the Qur’án is titled the Ahsanu’l-Qisas [the Best of Stories], to which the late Siyyid had replied that it was not then the proper occasion for explaining the reason. This incident remained concealed in his mind.

Ishráq-Khávarí, Kitáb Muhadhirat, p. 14, notes that Jariyyih was a daughter of Khadíjih, the wife of Muḥammad. For a discussion of this Tradition of the Handmaiden attributed to Imám Ja‘far Sádiq, see Kulayni, al-Usul min al-Kafi, vol. 1, pp. 95–96. See also Rieu, Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. 1, p. 30.

Now His Holiness said, “Mullá Ḥusayn, do you recall inquiring once of the late Siyyid, why the Surih Yúsuf is called the Ahsanu’l-Qisas, and how he replied that the proper occasion for explaining this had not yet come? The time for this explanation has now arrived.” Then He showed [Mullá Ḥusayn] a commentary on this Surih revealed from the Most Exalted Pen. On reading it, the eminent Akhúnd attained the shore of faith and prostrated himself in gratitude to God.

In the course of the first section of the Báb, Kitáb Panj Sha’n (the Book of Five Modes), p. 9, revealed on the sixth anniversary of His declaration, the Báb describes the night of His declaration in the language of prayer:
“In the name of God. There is no God but God. Sanctified art Thou, O God, My God. I testify that at an hour such as this, Thou hast bestowed honor and exaltation, glory and loftiness upon this night and hast sanctified it above all other nights through Thy Manifestation. This is the hour of the appearance of the Point of Bayán, Who is the sign of Thy dawning, the countenance of Thy morn of eternity, the evidence of Thy unity, the manifestation of Thy oneness, the confirmation of Thy loftiness, the signifier of Thy holiness, and the very essence of the divinity of Thy kingdom. Sanctified and exalted art Thou, that thou hast glorified this hour by creating whatsoever is within the Bayán and by decreeing the manifestation of whatsoever Thou willest. I testify and all things testify that on such a night as this I was at My house before Thy threshold when the first person [i.e., Mullá Ḥusayn] who has tasted the sweetness of Thy love in this Ridván attained to Me. He prostrated himself before Thy effulgence in this Paradise, and with him were the Letters of the Three. At such an hour, Thou didst cause Me to show Myself to him. Sanctified and exalted art Thou for enabling him [i.e., Mullá Ḥusayn] to recognize upon hearkening unto the signs of Thy guidance, and for having created in him a clear vision when I made mention of Thee. Therefore praise and gratitude be to Thee, O My God, a praise the like of which no soul hath offered in the past nor any will offer in the future, and such gratitude as none before hath offered and none will offer in the future, for the first who recognized My person, and for the recognition with which he recognized Me.”
From this passage it is not clear whether the three travel companions of Mullá Ḥusayn also attained the presence of the Báb that very night, or on a later occasion.

Conversion of Mullá Sádiq Khurásání

Mullá Ḥusayn said, “During our stay at the Masjid Kufih and Masjid Sahlih prior to dispersing [in search of the Promised Qá’im], my companions and I established a pact that whichever of us first heard the Call of Truth would inform the others. One in particular, Akhúnd Mullá Sádiq [known as] Muqaddas Khurásání, proceeded towards Isfahán and is now in that city. Please instruct me to go to Isfahán and to inform him so that he, too, may attain the station of faith.” “There is no harm in that,” the Báb replied, “however, it must be conditioned upon several things.” “Whatever is Your command,” [Mullá Ḥusayn] responded, “I will instantly and faithfully obey.”

The Báb then revealed a detailed commentary on one of the shorter Surihs of the Qur’án and entrusted it to the honored Akhúnd Mullá Ḥusayn, instructing him, “Take this commentary with you to Isfahán. After you have renewed your acquaintance with the Akhúnd [Mullá Sádiq Muqaddas], first ask if, during his travels, he has heard of, or met, anyone who advanced a claim to be the Promised One? Should he respond that he has neither met a claimant nor heard of such a call, ask if he himself is putting forth a claim. Should he present one, he must confirm it by means of divine verses, in the way that you have witnessed. Only if he states that he has no claim of his own are you to present him with this commentary, without identifying its Author, as he himself must discern [the Source of Revelation].”

Mullá Ḥusayn proceeded to Isfahán in accordance with the Báb’s instructions and upon arrival, was reunited with Mullá Sádiq. “O honored Akhúnd,” he asked him, “after we separated, did you meet any claimant or hear any call?” “I have encountered no one, and heard no call,” he replied. “Do you suspect any qualities in yourself, which could serve as evidence of some exalted station?” Deeply puzzled, Mullá Sádiq rejoined, “Have you gone mad? You and I are of no account. The One who raises a call must possess innate knowledge. Have you lost your rational faculties, that you ask such a question?”

Upon being certain of Mullá Sádiq’s position, [p. 65] in accordance with the Báb’s wish, he presented the commentary to him. After reading a little of it, Mullá Sádiq seized the hem of Mullá Ḥusayn’s garment, demanding, “Who wrote this commentary? The Author of these words is certainly the Truth. Where is He, and Who is He?” Refusing to answer his question directly, [Mullá Ḥusayn] said “I am not permitted to say; you must discern it for yourself.” In the face of [Mullá Sádiq’s] insistence, he remained adamant.

Soon the darkness of dusk fell, and supper was served. Afterwards, the honored Mullá Ḥusayn retired, satisfied in the knowledge that he had carried out the mission entrusted him in its totality.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh has added the following marginal note in his own hand: “Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad, the illustrious son of Mullá Muḥammad-Sádiq Muqaddas related for me the following description which he had heard from his honored father: ‘No matter how I implored Mullá Ḥusayn [to divulge the name of Him Who claimed to be the promised Manifestation], he refused and would only state that it was forbidden for him to do so and that I must seek Him independently. Disappointed by this response, I proceeded to the room set aside for devotions and performed my ablutions. I spread the prayer mat and began my supplications. I entreated with such earnestness that the tears pouring from my eyes dampened the prayer mat. In the midst of such contemplation and in a state of near-unconsciousness, I beheld the Young Siyyid that I had met in the gathering of late Siyyid [Kázim Rashtí]. He stood over me saying, ‘What do you desire? If you seek Faith, it stands apparent and manifest.’ This experience was repeated twice before dawn. After the third occurrence of this vision, I came to the room where Mullá Ḥusayn was resting. I woke him and said, ‘Mullá Ḥusayn, I have discovered the identity of the Master of this Cause. It must be none other than that same Shírází Siyyid that we met in the ‘Atabát.’ Mullá Ḥusayn responded affirmatively.”

The story of Mullá Sádiq and the manner of his recognition is well loved and is no doubt related thoroughly in narratives of the history of Isfahán. As such, this servant will not add to the burden of the reader.

In short, after achieving certitude, Mullá Sádiq together with several others proceeded to Shíráz so that they would attain the blessed presence [of the Báb]. Upon arrival in Shíráz, however, they learned that His Holiness had departed on His journey to Mecca.

The honored Akhúnd Mullá Sádiq and his companions began to propagate the news of the Revelation, particularly in the Masjid Báqir-Ábád. Ascending the pulpit, they would present proofs to the people. This matter was reported to the ‘ulamá, who consulted [on the matter]. By order of [the Governor] Ḥusayn Khán, the Ajúdán-Báshí, known as Sáhib-Ikhtíyár, those illustrious personages were seized, beaten with sticks, their beards burnt, their noses pierced and a rope passed through the incision. From dawn to dusk, the executioner paraded them through the bazaar and received a sum of money from each shopkeeper and artisan.

At sunset, those oppressed ones, being extremely hungry and fatigued, and having been severely beaten and injured, were expelled from the city.

A similar description is provided in Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 144–48 relating to the events that befell Quddús, Mullá Sádiq, and Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar Ardistání subsequent to the Báb’s return from pilgrimage.

The Arrival of Quddús

The affirmation of faith of Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Bárfurúshí, who was surnamed Quddús: He was among the ‘ulamá and learned divines famous for piety and godliness, and because of his inner spirituality and purity, no sooner had he heard this Call than he set out for Shíráz to investigate the matter.

In his writings, Quddús describes his vision of the Báb some time prior to the Latter’s declaration that enabled him to recognize the promised Manifestation. He further states that on the first day of Jamádíyu’l-Avval [18 May 1844], he left his native town for Shíráz. For a detailed discussion of the life and writings of Quddús, see the present translator’s forthcoming book on this subject, Quddús: Life and Writings.

Upon arrival at that city and meeting the Báb in the street, without seeking proofs or signs, nor evidence or deductions, he instantly attained complete certitude. From the moment of that meeting, he ranked among the foremost disciples, manifesting unsurpassed qualities, displaying all-embracing virtues. The details related to his glorious life, his magnificent services, and his martyrdom are described in depth in the history of the events of Fort Tabarsí and as such will not be repeated in these pages.

Among the various eyewitness accounts of Shaykh Tabarsí, the most detailed were recorded by Lutf-‘Alí Mírzá Shírází and Mír Abú-Talib Sháhmírzádí. With the Bahá’í World Centre’s consent, the present translator is completing a translation of the latter account.

The Báb’s Blessed Journey to Mecca in Shá‘bán [AH] 1260

August–September 1844. The Báb in one of His sermons, known as Khutbih Jaddiyyih, gives the date of His departure from Shíráz as 26 Shá‘bán (den 10 september 1844); see, Ishráq-Khávarí, Kitáb Muhadhirat, pp. 729–31.

The blessed and heavenly pilgrimage group that included the Báb left for Mecca—an undertaking that completed the proof for all who dwell on earth. Among those who were in His blessed presence were the late Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan, father of Áqá Mírzá Báqir Khán Dihqán, whose goodly qualities are beyond any description; Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí, surnamed Quddús; and Hájí Mubárak, a slave with a pure nature and pleasant disposition who had been purchased by the Báb when He was a merchant in Búshihr. They set out from Shíráz. That year a large contingent of the city’s inhabitants, including many of the ‘ulamá and merchants, were also travelling to Mecca. Shaykh Háshim (a brother of the Imám-Jum‘ih of Shíráz, Shaykh Abú-Turáb) who was much hated and very quarrelsome, was also among this group of pilgrims.

The Báb provides a brief outline of His Ḥájí journey in the Persian Bayán 4:18; for translation see Selections from the Writings of the Báb, pp. 89–91. See also the Persian Bayán 4:16 and 6:17.

From Búshihr, the Báb sent the following letter to His wife in Shíráz (Text quoted in Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, pp. 166–67, the original letter is displayed in the International Bahá’í Archives in Haifa): O the best of Protectors! In the Name of God, the Exalted.
My sweet life! May thou be guarded by God!
It was not because of sadness that I did not write sooner, Nor was it due to My heart being sorrowed
Nay, My hand wrote thee,
But My tears washed away the words.
God is My witness that I have been overcome with so much sorrow since our separation that it cannot be described. However, since we are all seized in the grasp of destiny, such has been decreed for us. May the Lord of the world, by the righteousness of the Five Near-Ones, ordain My return.
It is now two days since we arrived in Búshihr. The temperature is extremely hot, but the Lord of creation will protect [us]. Apparently, our ship will sail this very month. May God watch over Us, out of His mercy. At the time of departure, it was not possible to meet My esteemed mother. Therefore, kindly convey My greetings to her and ask for her prayers. Regarding the silk cloth, I will write to Bombay. I am also intent on securing a maidservant for you. God willing, that which is ordained will come to pass. Upon thee rest the peace, favors, and grace of God.

That year, pilgrims from all corners of the world where Muslims live were proceeding towards Mecca, for according to the Islamic teachings, whenever the 10th day of Dhi’l-Ḥájíih, which is the observance of the ‘Id-i Adha [the Festival of Sacrifice], falls on a Friday, that pilgrimage is called the ‘Greater Pilgrimage,’ and that is the year of the Manifestation [of the Promised One]. According to a well-known Tradition, [on such an occasion], the Qá’im will place His back against the wall in the court of the Masjidu’l-Ahrám and will openly declare His Cause.

Masjidu’l-Ahrám, The Grand Mosque of Makkah, also called the Great Mosque of Mecca, is the largest mosque in the World, and surrounds Islam's holiest place, the Kaaba, in the city of Mecca, Hejaz, Saudi Arabia. Muslims face in the Qiblah while performing Salah.

At that time, journey by sea was most difficult and disagreeable, as steam vessels did not operate in the Persian Gulf. It was necessary to go by sailing ship, which made the voyage to Jaddih by sea a minimum of three or four months. [p. 70] One day the late Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan [who had been a travel companion of the Báb] described his pilgrimage journey to this servant, saying:

During the time I was in the presence of His Holiness aboard the ship, there was a large group of pilgrims, who for the most part were hostile [towards the Báb]. Among them was Shaykh Abú-Háshim who molested [Him] both verbally and physically, and would cause great discomfort for His Holiness. The affront and nuisance he caused reached such a degree that on several occasions the captain of the ship came and reprimanded him not to torment the innocent Siyyid [i.e., the Báb]. However, he did not change his behavior.

One day he started an argument with the captain and uttered such unseemly words that the latter became so aggravated that he instructed his sailors to seize the Shaykh and throw him in the sea. Greatly perturbed and enraged, the captain himself stood nearby, and the sailors hastened to bring the Shaykh to throw him in the sea. At that instant, His Holiness arrived and interceded. The captain did not accept [His intercession] and commanded loudly, “Throw this accursed one into the sea!”

Seeing that they were about to throw the Shaykh in the sea, His Holiness threw Himself on the Shaykh and embraced him firmly, and pleaded with the captain to forgive the Shaykh’s offences one more time, on His account. Deeply moved by the benevolence and the generosity manifested by His Holiness, the captain accepted His intercession. Then he said, “Master, this accursed one has wronged you more than anyone else, so You should be even more eager than others to see him perish. Why did You stop us?” “Such people only harm themselves,” the Báb said, “we should look upon their deeds with sin-covering eyes.” The meekness exhibited by His sacred Self and His intercession on behalf of the Shaykh caused a change of heart among many passengers, and they no longer displayed enmity and hatred, instead becoming repentant and remorseful.

Once our ship had arrived at Jaddih, His Holiness proceeded towards Mecca. That year, there were innumerable pilgrims. Roughly speaking, the Arab, Turkish, Iranian, Kurdish, and Indian pilgrims, together totaling in excess of seventy thousand, for the most part came from the ranks of the ‘ulamá and the learned. Many had mastered the science of divination and jafr [numerology] and had determined that in that year, the True Summoner would openly issue his summons in Mecca, and they had come to witness the event.

Among them was the renowned Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí, who ranked as the ablest in the field of numerology and who had a profound knowledge of jafr. He had studied the Hadíth-i Marvy narrated by the Immaculate One [the eighth Imám, ‘Alí ar-Ridá], upon Him rest peace: “In the year Sixty, His Cause will be made manifest and His Remembrance exalted,” and the allusions of certain mystics who had openly given many signs for His appearance, such as Sháh Ni‘matu’lláh Valí, who in his poems had clearly given the news of the Manifestation:

The renowned father of Vahíd Dárábí and one of the most distinguished theologians of his generation. For a detailed discussion of his life and writings, see Rabbani, The Bábís of Nayríz: History and Documents.

Al-Jafr is a mystical Shia holy book compiled, according to Shia belief, by Ali and inherited by him from Muḥammad. Al-Jafr is composed of two skin boxes in which were kept various books of the past Prophets and the books inherited from Muḥammad, Ali and Fatimah to the Ahl al-Bayt, with each new Imam receiving them from his dying predecessor Imam, as well as the armour and weapons of Muḥammad.

If thou reachest the year of planting ghars, behold, the renewal of the sovereign, realm, nation, and faith.

According to the Abjad system, ghars has a numerical value of (1000+200+60=)1260, hence signifying the year of the appearance of the Báb.

And again:

With the passing of ghars years,
I see the Absent One has appeared.

And also in the collection of poetry by Khajih Háfiz:

Behold the crest of the moon in Muharram,
and drink from the wine cup,
Since this is a sign of safety and absence of harm,
and augurs the year of peace and love.

He [i.e., Siyyid Ja‘far] had studied these according to the science of numerology and had consulted an expert in divination: “As this is the year ‘sixty,’ will the Qá’im appear in Mecca?” To which he had received an affirmative response. He had then asked, “If I go [on pilgrimage], will I attain the presence of the Qá’im?” And again he had received a positive response. The Siyyid had then asked if he was destined to become a follower of the Qá’im, to which the expert responded: “You will not become a believer.”

I myself met Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far in Mecca. He saw [the Báb] with his own eyes and heard [Him proclaim His Faith] with his own ears but did not become a believer.

Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí [Quddús], some other believers, and I were in His blessed presence [of the Báb]. After the conclusion of the pilgrimage rites [p. 75] throngs of pilgrims were present in the Masjidu’l-Haram, and all the courtyards and rooftops overflowed with waves of people. His Holiness approached the Shrine and leaned His blessed back against the Ka‘bih, holding the door-chain with His sacred Hand. With the utmost clarity and eloquence He announced three times loudly: “I am the Qá’im Whose appearance you have been expecting!”

It was a true wonder that despite of the massive multitude and the noise, as soon as the Báb begun to speak a complete silence overcame that whole area in such wise that if a bird were to flap its wings, everybody would hear. Once complete silence was established over everyone, He uttered the same blessed proclamation three times, with the utmost distinctness, so that all the pilgrims could hear.

The pilgrims were recounting and translating the Báb’s words for one another. All conversations among the multitude concerned only this event. Indeed, the very first topic that the pilgrims of every land wrote about to their kinfolk was that a young merchant and Siyyid, twenty-five years of age, had taken hold of the Ka‘bih’s chain and with resounding voice had advanced the claim of the Qá’imiyyat.

Al-Qāʾim ("He Who Arises") Its meaning indicates a religious personality or religious being that will "arise" from the Prophet Muḥammad's family.

In a short time, this news was spread in all parts of the world. Those who sought the Truth and whose souls were prepared to attain any degree of certitude responded, “We hear and obey!” and made haste on the pathway of Faith.

Qur’án [2:285] Sändebudet tror på vad hans Herre har uppenbarat för honom och de troende med honom. De tror alla på Gud och Hans änglar och Hans uppenbarelser och Hans sändebud - utan att göra åtskillnad mellan Hans sändebud - och de säger: ”Vi hör och vi lyder. Herre, [ge oss] Din förlåtelse; Du är målet för vår färd!”.

The news of this event was noised abroad in Shíráz. Prior to the voyage to Mecca not all of the city’s inhabitants were aware of this Call. Some had heard it and recognized its truth, while others had not heard the claim, and yet others were saying, “These words are imputed to Him, and there is no truth in them.” After the news of Mecca had reached Shíráz and His exact utterances were written and disseminated, the whole of the people were now aware and fully informed, and no room remained for doubt and vacillation for anyone.

See Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, pp. 130–41, for further details on the Báb’s Ḥájí journey.

Chapter 4 Return of the Báb to Shíráz Return from Búshihr

[p. 77:6] The time was nigh for the arrival of His Holiness in Shíráz. Shaykh Abú-Háshim, [brother of Imám-Jum‘ih,] wrote a most provocative account to Shíráz, promoting mischief and raising the cry, “Our religion is lost!” A great excitement was caused when his letter reached Shíráz. A contingent of the ‘ulamá, such as Shaykh Ḥusayn Zalim [the tyrant], known as the Názimu’sh-Shári‘ah; Akhúnd Mullá Muḥammad-‘Alí Mahallátí; Shaykh Mahdí Kajawví; and a score of others went before Ḥusayn Khán, who was at that time the governor-general of Shíráz. They complained, “The Siyyid Who publicly claimed [the station of] the Qá’imiyyat and the Bábiyyat in Mecca will shortly arrive [in Shíráz], and you must join with the adherents of Islam in quenching this fire and silencing this Call, so it is kept under control.” Ḥusayn Khán gave in to the flattery of the clerics. When the Báb arrived at Búshihr, Ḥusayn Khán sent a mounted escort of several men to Búshihr to arrest His Holiness and to return Him to Shíráz.

The Báb gives the following chronology of His travels in a Khutbih [Sermon] (Ishráq-Khávarí, Kitáb Muhádirát, pp. 729–31):
Left Shíráz 10 September 1844
Arrived Búshihr 19 September 1844
Left the port 2 October 1844
Reached Mecca 12 December 1844
Ḥájí Completed 24 December 1844
Left Mecca 7 January 1845
Arrived Medina 16 January 1845
Left Medina 12 February 1845
Arrived Jiddah 24 February 1845
Embarked on ship 27 February 1845
Sailed for Iran 4 March 1845

Meaning, claims to be the Promised One and to be the gate of communication with the Imáms.

Late one afternoon, His Holiness was standing on an elevation by the village of Dálakí, a distance of two days’ journey to Búshihr, when the troops passed through that location. His Holiness instructed Hájí Mubárak, “Go quickly and ask the soldiers where they are going and what their mission is.” In accordance with His command, Hájí Mubárak approached the soldiers and asked where they were going. The soldiers, being argumentative, said, “Where we are going and what we are doing is none of your business, black man!” Hájí Mubárak returned to His presence and informed Him, “The horsemen refused to say what their mission is.” The Báb said, “Go and tell them to come to Me.” Hájí Mubárak went to the soldiers and said, “My Master asked that you should be so kind as to come, so that we can make your acquaintance.”

About five miles south of Burázján.

A certain Aslán Khán, who was older and wiser than the rest, came back with Hájí Mubárak and attained His blessed presence. He was asked, “Where are you going and what mission have you been given?” The soldier again refused to divulge their orders. The Báb said, “No reason to conceal it: your mission is to take the Siyyid-i Báb to Shíráz. [p. 80] Do not trouble yourselves. I stand ready. If you went on to Búshihr according to your orders and passed this village by, you would not accomplish your mission.” The official looked closely at His Countenance and noted all the signs that he had been given in Shíráz to identify Him and realized that this was the Siyyid in person. He returned to his companions and reported what had transpired, which caused them all to exclaim with wonder, “If a man is sought by the government or the people, it is only natural for him to flee the officers sent to take him under guard from one place to another. How is it then that with the utmost courage and firmness this Personage has come forward, informing us that He is undoubtedly the object of our quest? Of a certainty He must be of the true!”

The valor of the Báb awakened the consciousness of the men. They attained His blessed presence, and His Holiness showered upon them His immense kindness and benevolence. He instructed Hájí Mubárak to serve them the supper he had prepared, as these men had been traveling and were hungry and tired. Hájí Mubárak served the same quantity of food that he had prepared for two persons and brought it. The men saw that there was very little food and that it would not even suffice one of them, but they sat to dine and ate their fill. This experience deepened their wonder. In the course of the journey they witnessed many such miracles. With the utmost respect and dignity, the men accompanied His Holiness to Shíráz and told their friends and acquaintances of what they had observed and of the grandeur and majesty of the Báb.

In a Tablet dated 24 Jamádíy’th-Thání AH 1261/30 June 1845 to His uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, the Báb mentions the esteem that the horsemen showed Him during this journey (A.Q. Afnán, private communications, August 1993).

Return of the Exalted One from Mecca to Shíráz in AH 1261 [1845]

In all events, after the true ‘ulamá, who were the heralds of the Manifestation, had raised the news of the Cause throughout the realm and it had been particularly widely reported in Shíráz, His Holiness returned from Mecca in AH 1261. When He proclaimed His Cause publicly in Mecca, the news spread even further than before. This is reported in all the histories of the Cause and will be recounted briefly here as well.

In short, His Holiness arrived in Shíráz in the company of the guards. They proceeded directly to the governor’s office and reported their arrival. They recounted all that had occurred—how they had met Him at the first staging-post at Dálakí and what they had seen with their own eyes along the way—to the Nizamu’d-Dawlih. Ḥusayn Khán ordered that His Holiness should be detained. This news spread fast. Some ignorant people with a reputation for knowledge were present and began to torment and mock [the Báb]. They attributed to Him what was applicable to themselves. Shaykh Ḥusayn Zálim tormented His Holiness with his own hand.

When the maternal uncle [of the Báb] and the revered mother of His Holiness were informed of these events, they were deeply perturbed. The latter went to her brother, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, and began to lament and bewail [over the condition of her Son].

The Báb’s maternal uncle departed for the governor’s office. On meeting Ḥusayn Khán, he said, “It is reported that His Holiness has returned from the exalted city of Mecca, and His mother and other members of His family have been awaiting His arrival. Why have you detained Him? Is He not a descendant of the Prophet of God? Is there no shame before His illustrious Ancestor?” Noting the forceful manner in which the uncle defended Him, Ḥusayn Khán replied, “If you will mediate and serve as a guarantor that He will not go to meet with anyone, that no one will be admitted to Him, and that He will not write anything or share His writing with anyone, I will release Him.”

Because the illustrious uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, was respected by the merchants and associated with reputable people, he responded, “I associate with men from all strata of society, and His Holiness is my Nephew [p. 85] and has returned from Mecca. Naturally, the people want to see Him. How can I give my word, when He has come from Mecca, to say that He may not see people?” Faced with irrefutable logic, Ḥusayn Khán responded, “For three days, people may come and go, but on the fourth day, you are to close the door to all and allow no one to visit your house.” Having given his surety on these terms, the uncle brought His Holiness home with him.

[Upon the Báb’s arrival home], His mother and His blessed wife, along with other friends and relatives, attained His honored presence, and for three days all the believers and friends delighted in this union and benefited from its immeasurable spiritual bestowal. Divine verses were sent down like a continuous rain: all were recorded in His own blessed Hand on large sheets of cashmere paper and bestowed upon the visitors.

On completion of the three days, all access was denied to the friends, and no one was permitted to attain the presence [of the Báb]. However, even if the Sun of Reality is covered by a sullen cloud of formal restrictions, its radiance and effulgence shines ever more apparent. Consequently, although to all appearances the believers were denied access [to the Báb], they still continued to submit to Him their questions and difficulties, and to receive replies, for it is incumbent on the generous to answer him who asks, especially when the questions refer to religious matters, and the demands are for guidance and direction in the path of salvation. The result was that many people, including people from the surrounding areas, came to inquire into the matter, submitted their questions, and received full and satisfactory answers, each according to his own capacity, so that they too were led to believe.

This paragraph is congruent with the narrative of Siyyid Ḥusayn Hamadání; see Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 203

Arrival of Vahíd Dárábí

One of those who attained the presence [of the Báb] in Shíráz was the honored Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí. His story is wonderful and amazing: he was the illustrious son of Hájí Siyyid Ja‘far Kashfí, who has been mentioned in the recollections of Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan, in the section pertaining to Mecca.

[Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí] was eminent among the mujtahids and students of truth, gifted with supernatural faculties and an exalted spiritual station, unrivalled in debate and investigation, no less than for his austerity and piety. At that time he was in Tihrán. The late Muḥammad Sháh Qájár trusted him profoundly, to the extent that he would not take any action or assign any task contrary to the permission and the fatwa of Siyyid Yahyá. When the news of this Cause reached the monarch’s ears, he summoned the honored Áqá Siyyid Yahyá and said, “According to the information received at our court, a certain Personage in Fárs has advanced a claim to the stations of Qá’imiyyat and Bábiyyat. As you enjoy our utmost confidence, you must proceed at once to Fárs, and fully investigate a matter of such universal purport. Send word to our court regarding the truth or falsity of these claims, so that we may know our civil and religious duties. You must depart with all haste, and write a prompt report on this issue for us.” He provided for his expenses, ordered that he be provided with a horse, and sent him on his way to Shíráz.

Mujtahid: a person accepted as an original authority in Islamic law. Such authorities continue to be recognized in the Shia tradition, but Sunni Muslims accord this status only to the great lawmakers of early Islam.

A fatwa in the Islamic faith is a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that the Sheikhul Islam, a qualified jurist or mufti, can give on issues pertaining to the Islamic law.

Upon arrival at Shíráz he met with the honored Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í, who was a scholar of divinity and wise in the wisdom of the eternal. The two had been friends and associates in the ‘Atabát. Through him, [Siyyid Yahyá] met with several other [Bábí] ‘ulamá and prominent believers and, having explained the purpose of his investigation, requested a meeting [with the Báb]. However, the summons was delayed because of various obstacles. He spent the interval in examining some of the revealed verses. Finding in them no ground for objection or denial, he said in confidence to the honored Hájí Siyyid Javád, “These luminous words and verses bear witness to the truth of the claim and leave no room for doubt; yet were I permitted to behold some miracle or sign beyond this, I would gain a fuller certitude and assurance.” [p. 90] That illustrious person answered, “If we were to ask that Perfect Reality for wonders and miracles, we would be like those who have seen a thousand marvels more wonderful than the fabled cleaving of the moon, but are so befuddled that they continue to seek light from a candle or lantern in the full blaze of the radiant sun.”

In short, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá prepared a petition, requesting that a commentary on the blessed Surih of Kawthar be revealed for his edification. One night, about four hours after sunset, he himself took this supplication to the Blessed House of the Báb and attained His presence, presenting his request. [The Báb] instructed him to return at dawn to receive the response to his request.

In the early dawn, as bidden, [Siyyid Yahyá] again attained His presence and was given the response in the form of an unrivaled commentary on the Surih of Kawthar extending to nearly five thousand written verses. He returned with it to his own home. Then, astonished by the number and quality of its luminous verses, on meeting the honored Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í, he remarked, “I have beheld a marvel a hundredthousandfold beyond what I have [previously] witnessed, for, with all my learning and scholarship, I spent nine whole days in writing one single page of questions containing not more than twelve lines. At four hours into the night, I presented them myself, and at dawn, I received such a response! I am astonished that these luminous verses, of such eloquence and clarity of style, should be revealed and written down during five or six hours of the latter part of the night, which is the time for His rest and sleeping.”

For comparison, the Qur’án is slightly more than 6,600 verses.

As soon as Áqá Siyyid Yahyá had studied that most precious proof, he prostrated himself in adoration, and attained certitude. After a sojourn of some little while, during which the honor of an interview was accorded him, he received permission to set out for Yazd, by way of Bávanát and Marvast [Marv-Dasht], to proclaim the blessed Cause and to teach the Faith there. The details of the occurrences in Yazd will certainly be documented in the histories of that city. God willing, his return from Yazd and the events of Nayríz will be narrated at the proper place in this book.

The Báb’s Public Announcement at Masjid Vakíl

In all events, the enmity of enemies was now manifest in the utmost degree, and they exerted many efforts to prevent the friends from attaining the presence [of the Báb] and meeting with His Person. However, the devotion of the believers and the grandeur of the Cause withstood their onslaught, and the friends’ visits to His sacred presence increased considerably in accordance with the verse, “Verily the devils inspire their friends.” The honored opponents reported the events to Ḥusayn Khán [who issued an order for the arrest of the Báb], and on the eve of 21 Ramadán [11 September 1846], over the neighbor’s wall, the guards entered the House of His Holiness.

Qur’án 6:121.

‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, the Dárúghih, who was charged with carrying out this order, arrived with several of his farráshes and noted that His Holiness was alone in the dwelling. Deeply embarrassed, ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán submitted, “Certain reports reached us that a crowd had gathered at this location, and therefore we came to investigate. However, since it is evident that no one is here, we take our leave.” He then asked for a gratuity, to which [the Báb] responded, “There is nothing here.” Insisting on receiving a prize, ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán seized the imported cashmere shawl that the Báb was wearing around His waist and sliced it in the middle, taking half with him.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

The Dárúghih thereupon went before Ḥusayn Khán, telling the latter that none were in the Báb’s House save He. However, the mischievous elements, led by the ‘ulamá, continued to instigate sedition, and as such Ḥusayn Khán, the governor, sent his men to summon His Holiness with His maternal uncle to the governor’s office. There, Ḥusayn Khán rebuked the illustrious uncle, roaring, “You guaranteed that none would be associating [with the Báb], but you have acted against your own written statement. Consequently, you must be punished.” He then turned to the farráshes and spoke harshly and contemptuously with them as well and instructed that sticks be brought. The illustrious uncle, who was a greatly respected Siyyid and [p. 95] more than sixty years of age, was struck with sticks most severely, and the Báb was struck in the face as well. Afterwards, a sum of money was extracted from the victims, and [as the uncle was unable to walk] the farráshes carried him over their shoulders to his house where he remained injured in bed for a period of time.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

Most likely it is meant bastinado.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

His Holiness was subject to brutal treatment and imprisoned in the house of ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán. For a while it passed thus. Once again, the ‘ulamá assembled and went before Ḥusayn Khán demanding that he must follow through and force the Siyyid-i Báb to be summoned and compelled to recant His claim.

One afternoon all the ‘ulamá gathered in the Government House, that is, the governor’s office, and consulted on the situation and unanimously decided that His Holiness must be brought to Masjid Vakíl where all of the city’s inhabitants, including such ranks as the ‘ulamá, the merchants, the shopkeepers, and others would be present, and in that assemblage He must be forced to withdraw His claim.

My brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, and I were present once when the late Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Sádiq Mu‘allim [teacher], who was a most respected man and had witnessed the event of Masjid Vakíl, related briefly that episode for the late ‘Andalíb. The details are as such:

I was about twenty-five years old and had reached the age of being able to discern truth from falsehood. It was noised throughout the city that, on the request of the ‘ulamá, the authorities were inviting all inhabitants of Shíráz from every strata to gather in the Masjid Vakíl where the Siyyid-i Báb would renounce His claims. I went to the mosque as well and exerted particular effort to find a spot near [the pulpit] where I could behold Him and clearly hear His utterances and speech. From the morning of that day, rank upon rank of onlookers arrived at the mosque, and by three o’clock in the afternoon the entire courtyard, the cloisters, the roofs, and even the minarets of the mosque were thronged with people. The governor, the ‘ulamá, the merchants, and other dignitaries entered and sat in the cloisters, near the stone pulpit. (This is a pulpit carved out of one piece of marble and has fourteen steps.)

I was sitting near the pulpit when a commotion was raised in the courtyard: “He is coming!” He entered through the cloister’s entrance accompanied by ten farráshes and ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, the Dárúghih, and drew near the pulpit. The Báb was wearing a turban and an ‘abá and walked with such dignity, might, grandeur, and magnificence that it is truly indescribable. Such a multitude of people in attendance meant nothing to Him, and He heeded them not in the least.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

He said to the ‘ulamá and the governor, “What is your purpose in summoning Me to this place?” They responded, “The intention is that You should ascend this pulpit and repudiate Your false claim so that this fury and excitement may subside.” [The Báb] did not respond and ascended the pulpit where He stood on the third step. With great vehemence, Shaykh Ḥusayn Zálim said, “Ascend to the top of the pulpit so everyone can see You and hear Your voice.” His Holiness ascended to the top of the pulpit and sat there. Suddenly, an absolute silence prevailed and not a whisper could be heard from the people, and it seemed as if not a soul was in that mosque. Everyone was listening most attentively.

At first, with utmost majesty and sovereignty, He commenced recitation of an exquisite Arabic homily with absolute eloquence and clarity that lasted some half an hour. The entire concourse of people, high and low, learned and illiterate alike were in total rapture and listened with great fascination. People’s silence, caused agitation in Shaykh Ḥusayn who said to the governor, “Have you summoned the Siyyid in the presence of these people to establish the validity of His Cause or to recant His false claim? He is casting a spell on the assemblage with His enchanting speech. Instruct Him to say what He was intended to say. What drivel is He uttering?” Ḥusayn Khán, the Sáhib-Ikhtíyár, said [to the Báb], “Siyyid, state what they [i.e., the ‘ulamá] have told you to affirm, [p. 100] what is this idle chatter?” His Holiness remained silent for a moment and then uttered, “O People, know this well and be informed. I say unto you what My Grandfather, the Messenger of God, spoke twelve hundred and sixty years ago, and I do not speak what He spoke not. ‘What Muḥammad made lawful remains lawful unto the Day of Resurrection, and what He forbade remains forbidden unto the Day of Resurrection.’ In accordance with this Hadíth-i Marví from the Immaculate One, ‘Verily, the Qá’im will usher forth the Day of Resurrection.’”

Having recited this Tradition, He then descended the pulpit. Many of those who had previously harbored enmity or malice, once having beheld Him, were guided aright and repudiated their ways.

Shaykh Ḥusayn Zálim, out of sheer hostility, raised his walking-stick to strike His Holiness in the head, when the late Mírzá Abú’l-Ḥasan Khán, the Mushíru’l-Mulk, who was a young man in those days, readily brought forward his shoulder to ward off the attack, and it was his shoulder that sustained the hit. Afterwards, Husyan Khán instructed that His Holiness once again be imprisoned in the home of ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán.

In short, the aforementioned Hájí [Mu‘allim], though not a believer but an admirer [of the Báb], related this story to the late ‘Andalíb. His purpose was that [the Báb] on that occasion affirmed the truth of His Cause and completed His proof before the concourse of people.

See Balyúzí, The Báb, pp. 96–98, for a slightly different translation.

Fatwá Against the Báb

After His Holiness returned from the mosque and was placed under house-arrest at the home of ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, the entire body of the ‘ulamá assembled and fixed their seal on a fatwá decreeing the death of His Holiness. Among those present who signed the document was Shaykh Ḥusayn Zálim, known as the Nazimu’sh-Shári‘ih, who was the source of all sedition and the prime instigator of mischief. Others were Shaykh Abú-Háshim, Shaykh Asadu’lláh, Shaykh Mihdí Kujúry, Mullá Muḥammad-‘Alí Mahallátí, and those like them. They wrote whatsoever they wished and signed that paper.

A fatwa in the Islamic faith is a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that the Sheikhul Islam, a qualified jurist or mufti, can give on issues pertaining to the Islamic law.

That congregation then proceeded to the home of the late Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum‘ih, who, despite their insistence and every effort, had refused to attend their assemblage. Attaining the presence of the Shaykh, they acquainted him with their purpose and presented the document, requesting him to fix his seal on the paper as well so that the matter of the Siyyid be concluded [and the Báb be slain]. Upon perusing the fatwa and considering its content, the Shaykh, profoundly moved with indignation, threw the paper to the ground and cried, “Have you lost your faculties! Never will I sign such a paper, as I have no misgivings whatsoever regarding the nobility, chastity, integrity, sagacity, piety, and virtue of this Siyyid! In this Youth, I behold the ultimate manifestation of Islamic and human attributes, as well as evidence of the highest expressions of wisdom and rational reasoning. I see two possibilities: Either He speaks truthfully, or He is, as you allege, a liar. If He speaks genuinely, then I would be remiss to issue a fatwa against an honest and trustworthy person. And should He, as you aver, be a liar and a perjurer, which of us standing here can claim to have spoken only the truth in our lives? Therefore, arise and leave this place, and do not conceive such empty imaginings.” No matter how they pleaded, the late Shaykh Abú-Turáb, may his station be exalted, refused to ratify the document with his seal, and through this refusal, their efforts came to naught, their purpose was frustrated, and their wish remained unfulfilled.

A son of Shaykh Muḥammad Záhid [pious] who had served as the Imám-Jum‘ih of Shíráz after his father, Shaykh Abú-Turáb ranked as the foremost divine of the city and was greatly loved and admired by the citizens. He lived for a few years during the reign of Muḥammad Sháh in Tihrán but eventually returned to Shíráz where he passed away in 1855; see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, p. 71.

A fatwa in the Islamic faith is a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that the Sheikhul Islam, a qualified jurist or mufti, can give on issues pertaining to the Islamic law.

A fatwa in the Islamic faith is a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that the Sheikhul Islam, a qualified jurist or mufti, can give on issues pertaining to the Islamic law.

Departure for Isfahán

In short, at this time, for the warning and awakening of the neglectful and the ignorant, the Ocean of Divine Wrath stirred forth, and a grievous cholera epidemic fell upon Iran and raged with especial fury over Shíráz. Great multitudes from all ranks, including nobles, peasants, learned, illiterate, ministers, and subjects made haste to escape from this evident calamity. The first to retreat was Ḥusayn Khán, the governor, and then others followed from all ranks of society.

A large number died. It chanced that the two young sons of ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, the Dárúghih, fell ill of the cholera and came nigh to death’s door. Their mother, deeply agitated, spoke harshly to her husband, ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, saying, “Their illness is because of your evil doings towards this wronged Siyyid [p. 105] Who has been unjustly imprisoned here. Through such negligence, you will bring ruin upon yourself and the whole household. Let this innocent Siyyid leave.” ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán besought the Báb, earnestly stating, “Depart for wherever Your holy inclinations may lead You.” [The Báb] responded, “Ḥusayn Khán has fled from the city in the face of divine chastisement; however, when he returns, you will be responsible [for My whereabouts].” “It is I,” ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán pleaded, “who must remain answerable to Ḥusayn Khán as, because of my misdeeds, my sons are now near death. After them, I wish not to live any longer in this world.” He cried bitterly for the fate that had befallen him and beseeched the intercession of His Holiness, Who prayed and responded by handing him a sweet pomegranate and stating, “Have your sons eat from this fruit.” After the lads had partaken of the pomegranate and full recovery was theirs, ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, having witnessed the occurrence of this miracle, implored Him, “Do not tarry, even for one hour, in this dwelling, I will not prevent Your departure in whatever direction You will. And furthermore, I stand ready to offer whatever service that Your Holiness may require.”

[The Báb] retired to His house, and there the family and kinsmen came to visit Him. Later, in the company of Áqá Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Ardistání, who was reckoned among the believers and among His close companions, [the Báb] proceeded for the city of Isfahán. The events occurring in that land are indeed beyond all description and assuredly have been recorded in the narratives pertaining to that city. For our purposes, only the following note regarding the incidents of Isfahán should suffice.

In the language of prayer, the Báb gives an outline of the events that had befallen Him:
Thou art aware, O My God, that since the day Thou didst call Me into being out of the water of Thy love till I reached fifteen years of age I lived in the land that witnessed My birth [Shíráz]. Then Thou didst enable Me to go to the seaport [Búshihr] where for five years I was engaged in trading with the goodly gifts of Thy realm and was occupied in that which Thou favored Me through the wondrous essence of Thy loving-kindness. I proceeded therefrom to the Holy Land [Karbalá] where I sojourned for one year. Then I returned to the place of My birth. There I experienced the revelation of Thy sublime bestowals and the evidences of Thy boundless grace. I yield Thee praise for all Thy goodly gifts, and I render Thee thanksgiving for all Thy bounties. Then at the age of twenty-five I proceeded to Thy sacred House [Mecca], and by the time I returned to the place where I was born, a year had elapsed. There I tarried patiently in the path of Thy love and beheld the evidences of Thy manifold bounties and loving-kindness until Thou didst ordain for Me to set out in Thy direction and to migrate to Thy presence.
—Selections from the Writings of the Báb, pp. 180–

Upon arrival in the city of Isfahán, the late Manuchihr Khán, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Dawlih, exalted be his station, came into the presence [of the Báb] and immediately became a most ardent admirer. His Holiness described some of the tyranny and injuries that He had previously endured at the hand of Ḥusayn Khán, adding, “When We departed from Shíráz, cholera raged over the province of Fárs, and Ḥusayn Khán escaped with all deliberate speed from the city. I was made captive at the home of ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, but because of the epidemic and the fact that his own sons fell victims to the illness, he released this Wronged-One and of necessity asked that I leave. In so doing, he remarked, ‘Upon Ḥusayn Khán’s return, I will personally shoulder the responsibility.’ Surely, after the pandemic of cholera has been eradicated and quiet has once again become the city’s norm, Ḥusayn Khán will return and will inquire after Me. As he is a wicked and ill-natured man, upon discovering that I no longer reside within His grasp, he will injure my kinsmen and family. My purpose is to ask your Excellency to petition Ḥusayn Khán that he may not disturb [My family].” As soon as this request was made by his distinguished Guest, the late Mu‘tamidu’d-Dawlih wrote a detailed letter to the governor-general of Fárs, with words to the effect that “the Siyyid-i Báb is a guest in my abode in Isfahán, and I stand as His protector. Should the government summon Him [to Tihrán for further inquiry], I will personally deliver Him. You have no cause to harass His family or inflict disturbance upon them.” This letter was sent to Shíráz with a special envoy.

For a biography of Manuchihr Khán, see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 4, pp. 159–63. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá has revealed a Tablet of Visitation for him wherein it is revealed that visiting his resting-place in Qum is endowed with special spiritual potency.

When the epidemic subsided to a prescribed degree, the people who had fled the city returned forthwith, including Ḥusayn Khán who [as anticipated by the Báb] immediately inquired from ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán the whereabouts of His Holiness. The latter responded, “As the epidemic raged uncontrollably throughout the land and my wife and sons had fallen victim to the illness as well, I could no longer properly minister His affairs and as such asked Him to retire to His own dwelling.” Deeply angered by the turn of events, Ḥusayn Khán instructed ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán to proceed at once in company of ten farráshes and search the home of His Holiness or wherever else He might be and bring Him forthwith to the government-house.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

Persecution of the Báb’s Family

As instructed, they proceeded immediately to the House of His Holiness and, not finding Him there, proceeded to the home of His illustrious uncle, [Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí,] but were unable to locate the latter at home either. [p. 110] They then proceeded to the residence of the late Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim. The latter was a paternal cousin of the Báb’s mother and a brother of the honored wife of the Báb, [Khadíjih Bagum,] and at the time was the renowned standard-bearer of the family. My maternal grandmother [Zahrá Bagum], who was the sister of the Báb’s wife, related:

My late brother, that is, Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, was home suffering from cholera and resting in bed due to weakness caused by the illness, when some time before noon, there was a violent knock on our door. The entire household was deeply disturbed. Fírúz, our black, house-born servant, went to inquire who it was when suddenly and without warning, ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd Khán, the Dárúghih, in the company of a number of farráshes and some other lewd characters entered our home and filled the courtyard. A most disturbing uproar ensued as they hurriedly searched the house for any trace of His Holiness and disappointed [in their inability to locate the Báb,] came to the room where my late brother was resting in bed due to his illness. The farráshes placed him on their shoulders and took him before Ḥusayn Khán, the Sáhib-Ikhtíyár.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

Profoundly infuriated, the latter inquired callously, “Where lies the Siyyid-i Báb?” “I have been afflicted with cholera,” my brother replied, “and still suffer from the illness. As such, I do not know His whereabouts, nor do I have any news of Him.” Ḥusayn Khán dealt with him most harshly and severely and finally he was granted fifteen days to either present His Holiness or to pay a fine of fifteen-hundred tumáns. Reluctantly, he accepted. Then the governor asked for a guarantor, and Hájí Muḥammad-Sádiq Isfahání, who ranked among the best known and most respected of the merchants and who was a very close friend of the honored Hájí, stood in this capacity. After a surety was extracted, the Hájí was dismissed and returned home.

Fifteen-hundred tumáns represented an extraordinarily large sum of money for that time.

After the lapse of the agreed upon days, farráshes were sent to summon the Hájí [Abú’l-Qásim] to the governor’s office and to present him before Ḥusayn Khán. The latter, once again, spoke most sternly demanding either the delivery of His Holiness or the sum of fifteen-hundred tumáns. The more the Hájí implored for mercy and the more he swore that he was bereft of any news from Him, the angrier the governor grew. Finally, [unable to withstand the governor’s admonishments,] the Hájí fell to the ground unconscious, and it was at that moment that the special envoy sent from Isfahán bearing the letter of the late Mu‘tamiu’d-Dawlih arrived and the envelope displaying the seal of Manuchihr Khán presented to Ḥusayn Khán.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

Upon considering its content, [Ḥusayn Khán] realized that he could no longer cause trouble or remonstrate, but he nevertheless extracted fifteen-hundred tumáns from him before allowing the late Hájí to leave.

He further issued a command that hereafter should any piece of paper be found in that city bearing the handwriting of His Holiness or a verse revealed by Him, he would demolish that house.

Ḥusayn Khán rounded up all the believers and devotees of His Holiness, and, after administering severe beatings with sticks and causing them much injury, he extracted from the victims whatever sum they could muster.

Ḥusayn Khán was an ill-natured, wicked man, and His Holiness the Exalted One has described his evil doings in the Khutbih-i Qahriyyih addressed to Hájí Mírzá Aqásí, and the reader may refer to that Tablet. From his contemptible, base, and malicious deeds, it can readily be discerned how truly evil and corrupt a person Ḥusayn Khán was.

See Fayzí, Hadrat Nuqtih Ulá, pp. 151–53, and Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 3, pp. 85–89. In a Tablet (INBMC, vol. 64, p. 115), the Báb describes the governor to Muḥammad Sháh as “vicious and sinister” who owing to consummate drunkenness “was never able to pass a sound judgment.”

The Fate of the Báb’s Writings

In short, my late maternal grandmother would continue relating:

After the governor’s order was noised in the city, whoever had received such Writings [revealed by the Báb] would bring them in bundles and deposit the packs in a long vestibule in the house of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim. One side of the courtyard was filled with such Writings stacked high, all penned on large exquisite cashmere papers in the hand of His Holiness. Were even a page of those precious Writings available today, it would surely be worth an immense fortune. Those papers all contained innumerable commentaries, prayers, homilies, and scientific treaties on diverse themes. The illustrious uncle of the Báb was asked in what manner were we to dispose of those Writings, and he had made reply, “These are all the Words of God and as such cannot be treated disrespectfully. Wash the papers and throw the water in the well of the courtyard.”

Presumably, a reference to Hájí Mírzá Siyyid-‘Alí.

[p. 115] We placed four large washtubs on the ground of the courtyard, and the four of us, that is, the mother [of the Báb], Khadíjih Bagum, the wife of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, and I began to place stacks of these papers in the tubs and washed them much like cloths are washed by hand. Page by page, the ink was washed away from all the sheets, and the water and the papers thrown down the well.

Her name was Sultán Bagum, and she was from Jahrum.

For other details on the Báb’s stay in Shíráz, see Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, chapter 8.

Chapter 5 Vahíd and the Nayríz Episodes

[p.115:5] Subsequent to the departure of His blessed Person [the Báb], the friends in Shíráz observed wisdom and lived in serenity and tranquility. No other event took place for a while until the episode of the honored Áqá Siyyid Yahyá Dárábí and the events of Nayríz transpired.

Earlier in these pages mention was made that the venerable Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, [surnamed] Vahíd, came to Yazd from the direction of Bávanát. It is important to describe briefly in these pages the occurrences associated with his stay in Yazd so that the sequence of events is clarified. Of a certainty, the full story of his visit and of the events of Yazd is either told in the history of that town [by other narrators], or it will be related.

For the most part, the remainder of this section correlates with the narrative of Siyyid Ḥusayn Hamadání, and as such, to the extent possible, the present translation has followed the rendering in Táríkh-i Jadíd, pp. 115–26.

Vahíd in Yazd

After the illustrious Vahíd had believed and pledged submission, in accordance with His hallowed instruction [i.e., the Báb’s], he took leave of the Latter and set out in direction of Yazd for the edification of the people, the promulgation of the Word of the Almighty, and the teaching of the Cause of God. For a while during the earlier period of his mission in that city he had expounded and taught the doctrines of His Holiness in gatherings of only such among the accomplished and the learned as were prepared and fitted to hear them. But afterwards, according to the purport of the verse:

Prudence and love can ne’er walk hand in hand,

and the verse:

Love and fair fame must wage eternal war; O lover, halt not at the beloved’s door!

he began openly to proclaim the truth of the Cause and converted a great multitude, as well as leading many to profess devotion and sympathy who, not having reached the stage of conviction and the haven of assurance, were yet greatly attracted and manifested empathy. At length, through the officiousness of certain mischievous persons, the governor of Yazd was informed of what was taking place. The governor, fearing for himself, sent a body of men to arrest him [i.e., Vahíd]. A trifling altercation occurred, and thereupon the governor readied for battle and prepared to effect his capture by force of arms.

The esteemed Áqá Siyyid Yahyá retired with a number of his followers and friends into the citadel of Yazd, while the myrmidons of the governor surrounded it and commenced hostilities and agitation. At length, the matter escalated into actual warfare, in the course of which some thirty or more of the governor’s men and the rogues and vagabonds [of the city who had joined them] were killed, while seven of [Vahíd’s] friends and companions were also slain, the rest being besieged for some time until some, unwilling to endure further suffering or withstand trial, dispersed.

His honor [Vahíd] therefore determined to set out for Shíráz and said one night, “If one of you could manage to lead out my horse, so that I might defuse this incident and convey myself to some other place, it would be well.” A certain Ḥasan who had been for some time in attendance upon his honor and had performed his service with the utmost faithfulness and devotion, witnessing on the part of his august master many a display of miraculous and supernatural faculties, replied, “By your leave, I will lead out the horse.” “They will capture and slay you,” [responded Vahíd]. “In the path of your servitude,” rejoined [Ḥasan], “that is easy to bear. No ambition have I beyond it.”

So he was allowed to go and, even as had been foretold, they took the youth captive outside the citadel and brought him before the governor, who ordered him blown from the mouth of a cannon. As they bound him to the gun, he begged the gunners: “Bind me, I pray you, with my face toward the gun that I may see it fired.” Gunners and bystanders alike were astonished at his composure and cheerfulness, and indeed one who can be cheerful in such a plight must needs have great faith, capacity, and fortitude. It is seemly indeed that one be so joyous and jubilant at such an hour!

In short, that honored personage [Vahíd] succeeded in effecting his departure from the citadel with one other, and set out for Shíráz, and from there he proceeded to Nayríz.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh has added the following marginal note in his own hand about Vahíd’s visit to Bávanát subsequent to the Shíráz journey: In Bávanát, the Shaykhu’l-Islám of Mazijan, one of the villages of Bávanát, converted, and together they proceeded to Nayríz

[p. 120] After his withdrawal, the governor vanquished his followers. Several were taken captive and put to death, while from the rest, after they had suffered divers torments, fines of money were exacted.

Vahíd’s Arrival at Nayríz

Now when that honored personage arrived in Nayríz, where his wife resided and where he had many friends, many became believers, others denied, while still others caviled and remained in doubt. Though formerly professing the most devout attachment and humility towards his person, no sooner did the district governor perceive that a struggle was imminent and the government might slip from his hands, than he sent word to him [i.e., Vahíd] saying, “I do not consider it expedient that you should continue any longer in this province. It is best that you should depart with all speed to some other place.” To this the honored visitor replied, “I have returned here, after a prolonged absence, to learn how matters fare, and to see my wife and family, neither do I wish to interfere with anyone. What makes you order me to quit my house and abode, instead of affording me protection, and observing towards me the friendship and respect that is my due? Do you not fear God, and have you no shame before my Ancestor?”

So when the governor saw that he heeded not his words and answered him sharply, he was filled with obstinate spite and strove to raise a tumult, inciting such men of every class and kind as were most wicked and mischievous to make a disturbance and drive out the honored personage. In turn Vahíd, perceiving this, repaired to the mosque and after performing his devotions ascended the pulpit, and thus spoke:

O people! Am I not he whose opinions you were wont to follow in all religious questions? In your needs and trials, as well as in all matters of doctrine, practice, and religious tradition were you not wont to prefer my word to that of any other? Were not my belief and ijtihád the criteria of all your actions? What has become of you that now you greet me with opposition and enmity? What forbidden thing have I sanctioned in the pure religion [i.e., Islam], or what lawful thing have I forbidden, that thus without reason you charge me with heresy and error? I stand here among you wronged and oppressed for no other cause than that I have, for your awakening and enlightenment, spoken true words and held faithful discourse, and that I have, out of sympathy for you and desire for your welfare, not withheld the path of guidance from you. This being so, let each one who supports or slights me know of a certainty that howsoever he acts toward me, he acts toward my illustrious Ancestor [Muḥammad].

A religious ruling in Shi‘ite Islam issued by a certified cleric.

When he had spoken to this effect, some were repentant, and some wept bitterly, saying, “We still continue in our former allegiance and devotion to you, and all that you say we hold true, right, and most meritorious.”

The Bábí Encampment

In short, Vahíd came forth from the mosque, quitted the city, and was compelled to alight in a ruined castle close by, the friends who bore him company being not more than seventeen in number. But even after he had left the city, his malicious and mischievous persecutors ceased not from their evil designs, for they pursued him with a great throng, scouring the country in all directions until they discovered his ruined retreat. Thereupon, they laid siege to the castle from every side and initiated hostilities.

Then the honored personage commanded seven of his men to go out and drive them away, and gave them full instructions as to the ordering of battle, adding that whoever should occupy a certain position would be slain by a wound, and that such as went in a certain direction would return unhurt. One among those present, a young lad of Yazd, good of heart and comely of countenance, arose and said, “I beseech you to suffer me to be the first among this muchwronged band and precede my comrades in martyrdom.” And that honored [p. 125] personage kissed him on the cheek and intoned a prayer for him.

Then the illustrious defenders of the castle sallied swiftly forth, attacked the foes, and ere long scattered them forthwith. But the Yazdí lad, even as his master had foretold, and he had himself desired, drained the draught of martyrdom, escaped from the bonds of earth’s deceits, and gained the everlasting world and life eternal—blessings were his, and his end was good. The rest returned victorious.

At the very time of these events, the exalted Navváb, Prince Farhád Mírzá, recently appointed governor-general of Fárs, came from the capital, Tihrán, to assume the government in Shíráz and was informed of what had taken place. He at once collected a considerable military force, which he dispatched under the command of Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán Díván-Begí, son of Hájí Shukru’lláh Khán Núrí, and MustafáQulí Khán, commander of the Qaraguzlú, to subdue and take captive the insurgents.

This should be Fírúz Mírzá.

When this force reached the vicinity of the castle, the number of [Vahíd’s] followers had increased to seventy. Several encounters took place between the two forces, and on each occasion the friends and companions [i.e., the Bábís] routed and dispersed their opponents and obtained possession of a goodly spoil. And all this while the devotion, faith, and love of Vahíd’s companions were much increased by the many victories they tasted and the great prodigies he wrought, so that each was fully prepared to lay down his life and possessions. He had repeatedly described to his companions the circumstances of his own martyrdom, and all had, for the good pleasure of the Beloved, washed their hands of life and, quit of earthly ties, awaited martyrdom.

Deceiving the Bábís

Those who had come to take them being unable, notwithstanding all their efforts, to prevail by force of arms, and despairing of the final issue, opened the door of treachery and deceit, and sent a missive before the illustrious Vahíd expressing perplexity as to his Cause, making excuses for past deeds, declaring themselves desirous of inquiring into the matter, and begging for instruction. They further pledged, with oaths sworn upon the Word of God [i.e., the Qur’án], that if he would be good enough to come out to meet them, they would obey whatever terms he might propose.

So, out of respect for the sacred Qur’án, which bore their seal, Vahíd prepared to go forth. But his followers surrounded him on every side declaring, “We are fearful and anxious about your departure, for this host is more faithless than the men of Kufa. No reliance can be placed on their oaths and covenants, neither ought you to believe their assertions.” That honored person replied, “By God, I clearly perceive their perfidy, faithlessness, and treachery, and I know it as well as my saintly Ancestor knew the perfidy of the men of Kufa. But how can I resist their wiles, these being in accord with the divinely appointed destiny? Because of what they have written and pledged themselves on the Qur’án to perform, it is incumbent on me to go and complete the proof. Abide here till you receive my written instructions.” Then he mounted his horse and took a last farewell of his companions, saying, “Verily, we belong to God, and verily unto Him do we return.” And his followers wept, a bitter weeping.

The people of Kufa by their promise of support induced Imám Ḥusayn to take up arms, but failed Him in the day of need; see, Momen, An Introduction to Shi‘i Islam, pp. 28–33.

A reference to Imám Ḥusayn, from Whom Vahíd descended. On Vahíd’s lineage, see Rabbani, “The Family of Vahíd Dárábí”.

Qur’án 2:156

So that honored personage came to the warring camp and there alighted. [At first] the commanders treated him with all due respect and deference, and they agreed to postpone all discussion of terms between his honor and themselves till the morrow, and spent that night conversing on various topics. But when morning came and that honored person would have gone forth from his tent, [p. 130] the sentinels prevented him, saying, “It is not permitted you to go out.” So he remained a prisoner in the tent.

No sooner had tidings of this reached his faithful followers than, unable to restrain themselves, they emerged from their castle, hurled themselves upon the center of the army, and, in a short time, threw the whole camp into confusion. The senior officers seeing this, hastened into that honored person’s presence, saying, “Was it not agreed between us last night that there should be peace and concord?” “Aye,” said he, “but your conduct this morning provoked this reprisal.” “It was done without our knowledge and approval,” answered they, “and without our sanction. Some of our men, who have lost kinsmen and relatives in this warfare, offered you this insult ignorantly and without our knowledge. You, who are merciful and generous, must overlook their fault.” “What,” queried he, “would you have me do?” “Write,” said they, “to these men of yours, bidding them evacuate the castle and return to their own homes, that the minds of our soldiers may be tranquilized and we, too, be reassured; and we will then arrange matters as you may determine, and act agreeably to your suggestions.”

That honored personage had no recourse but to write to his followers, “Come what may, you must submit to divinely ordained decrees; and meanwhile there is nothing for it but that you should gather up your own possessions, leaving the spoils you have won exactly as they are, and return to your own homes. Let us wait and see what God wills.” So these poor companions, being constrained to obey his behest, the following day departed to their homes. But no sooner were they arrived there than their foes attacked each of their houses, carried off all their goods as spoil, destroyed their dwellings, and brought them in chains, bound hand and foot, to the camp.

Vahíd’s Martyrdom

There was with the venerable Vahíd a certain believer of Yazd who had served him faithfully both at Yazd and Nayríz, suffering much in the path of his master’s good pleasure and attaining the exalted station of servitude and true recognition of the Lord by renouncing all earthly possessions. And when word was brought that the executioner was on his way from the city [i.e., Shíráz] charged with the killing of that illustrious Siyyid [Yahyá], this man began to make great lamentation. But his master said, “It is you, not me, whom this headsman shall slay; he who shall slay me will arrive tomorrow.”

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh has added in the margin the following notation in his own hand, “known as Áqá Siyyid Ja‘far.” However, either he or someone else has crossed out this comment.

When the morrow came, he performed the morning obligatory prayer, and an hour later, he said again, “He who is to slay me is now come.” Shortly after this, a party of farráshes arrived and led out that honored person and the Yazdí from the tent. Then the executioner, just as Vahíd had foretold, administered to the youth the draught of martyrdom. When his glance fell on that honored person, however, he said, “I am ashamed before the face of God’s Messenger and will never lift my hand to slay His offspring,” neither would he, for all their importuning, consent to do their bidding.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

Then one who had lost two brothers in the earlier part of the war, and therefore cherished a deep resentment, said, “I will kill him.” And he loosed the shawl wherewith that honored person was girt, cast it round his neck, and drew it tight. And others beat his holy body with sticks and stones, dragging it here and there over the plain, till his soul soared falconlike to the branches of paradise. Then they severed his head from his body, skinned it, stuffed it with straw, and sent it, with other heads, along with the captives to Shíráz.

Parenthetically, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh notes: The severed head of the illustrious Vahíd was buried at the foundation of a blessed spot formerly known as Siyyid.

Captives Taken to Shíráz

And they sent an announcement of their victory and triumph to Prince Farhád [sic] Mírzá, [p. 135] and fixed a day for their entry into Shíráz. And when on the appointed day they drew near, the city was bedecked, the people busy disporting themselves and making merry, most of them having come out from the town to greet the victorious troops, welcome the triumphant soldiers, and gaze upon the captives. As narrated by one Kuchak ‘Alí Beg, headman and chief of the Basírí [tribe of Shíráz]:

The Basírí is one the Khamsa (Arab) nomad tribes of Fárs and Láristán; see Curson, Persia, vol. 2, p. 114.

This section in the narrative of Siyyid Ḥusayn Hamadání is attributed to Mírzá Áqá Jání of Káshán. However, it is missing from the published Kitáb-i Nuqtatu’l-Kaf. Two possibilities exists: (1) Hamadání was using a text of Mírzá Jání that differed from the Browne’s published version by at least this one section, or (2) Hamadání simply added this material and attributed it to Mírzá Jání, much like other Middle Eastern historiographers who attribute their own writings or poems to earlier recognized figures.

After they had slain that honored person [i.e., Vahíd], they came to take camels from our tribe, intending to set the captives on barebacked camels. I was distressed at this, but could not resist the Governor’s order. I therefore rode away from the army’s camp at night and came to Shíráz, that at least I might not be among my tribe and have to endure the insolence of the soldiers. When I was come within half a farsang of Shíráz, I lay down to sleep for a while and to be rid of my weariness. When I awoke, I saw that the people of Shíráz had come out in large numbers with minstrels and musicians, and were sitting about in groups at every corner and crossroad, feasting and making merry with wanton women. On every side I noted with wonder drunken brawls, wine imbibing, the savor of roasted meats, and the strains of guitars and lutes. Thus wondering I entered the city.

A farsang is six kilometers.

After a while, unable to endure the suspense, I determined to go out of the city to see what was taking place. As I came forth from the city-gate, I saw such feasting and rejoicing as I had never before witnessed. The men were engaged in making merry and toying with their lecherous and wanton women. After a little while I saw the camels approaching, whereupon there were set some forty or fifty women. Many of the soldiers bore on their spears the severed heads of the men they had slain. Until this time the townsfolk had been busy with their carnal desires, but no sooner did their eyes fall on the severed heads borne aloft on spears and the captives set on barebacked camels than they inconsolably burst into tears and sobbing.

Thus they brought the illustrious captives into the bazaars, which had been decorated and adorned, and though it was no great distance from the bazaars to the Governor’s Ark [i.e., the government’s seat], yet such was the throng of spectators who purposely retarded the passage of the captives that it was after mid-day when they reached the Governor’s palace. The Navváb Prince was holding a pleasureparty in Kuláh Farangí and the garden adjoining it, he sitting on a chair, and the nobles and magnates of the city standing. A curtain was drawn in front of the other chambers of Kuláh Farangí, behind which the women of the Prince’s household were ensconced. And the captives were led in this plight to the accompaniment of cymbals and trumpets into the garden and brought before the Qájár Prince. Then Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán, Mírzá Na‘ím, and the other officers recounted their exploits and their glorious victory, with various versions and many embellishments, to the Qájár Prince, who on his part kept inquiring as to the names and family of the captives, and throwing in an occasional, “Who is this?” and “Which is that?” And all the captives were women, with the exception of one child five years of age who was with them.

Lit., “the European’s hat,” it is the name of a summer-home of the governor-general of Fárs.

After that, those illustrious beings were excused from the presence [of the Prince] and housed outside of the city in a ruined caravansary that dated back to the time of Karím Khán Zand.

On the same night when the raid had been made on the houses of the believers [in Nayríz] and they were taken prisoner, twelve of the friends had succeeded in effecting their escape towards Isfahán. These, however, were subsequently captured in the neighborhood of Isfahán and brought to Shíráz, where they suffered martyrdom.

Second Nayríz Episode

Two years later, a protracted and unusual warfare was again waged against the believers who, because of the cruelties and brutalities to which they were subjected, were for a long while in hiding in the mountains with their wives and children. Until a mighty host of regular troops [p. 140] and volunteers from far and near had been gathered against them, and consequently those wronged-ones were compelled to commence warfare. Hemmed in as they were, that wronged-band began defenses and won many gallant victories despite the fewness of their numbers. This struggle and the siege of the mountain from all directions lasted for a long time.

Often would a company of seven or nineteen men come down from the mountain with cries of “Yá Sahibu’z-Zamán!” attack a battery, cut down the gunners, capture the gun, and bear it away with them to the mountain, where they would mount it on a tree trunk and fire it morning and evening against the camp. At other times they would make nightattacks on certain suburbs of Nayríz inhabited by enemies and opponents, and return safely. [At such times] none could withstand them, nor do aught but choose between submission and flight.

Now Zaynu’l‘Abidín Khán, the governor of Nayríz, had taken the chief part in bringing about all these troubles. He it was who had compassed the death of the much-wronged Áqá Siyyid Yahyá in the first war; he it was who devised most of the stratagems, tactics, dispositions, and arrangements of the army; he it was who, both in the first and the second war, provoked strife for the sake of securing his position as governor and winning approval from the government; he it was, in short, who had driven away [the Bábís] from their homes and possessions, and caused them with their wives and families to be beleaguered in the mountains. So one day when this honorable governor had gone to the bath, the illustrious insurgents attacked the bath and slew him.

Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán did not participate in Nayríz II episode, and in fact, it was his assassination by his Bábí relatives that precipitated the second upheaval in that region in 1852–53.

But reinforcements of men and artillery sent in rapid succession by the Navváb Tahmasp Mírzá, the Mu‘ayyadu’d-Dawlih, who at that time was the governor-general of Fárs, continued to arrive from Shíráz and occupy the rising ground adjoining the mountain. Still, notwithstanding the greatness of their host, they did not have the courage to face the defenders or venture to ascend the mountain in an attack. Even in their camp they were ill at ease because of the nightattacks and sudden onslaughts made upon them by very small parties of the friends [i.e., the Bábís]. These, as was related, would ofttimes rush into the camp, attack the artillery, slay the gunners, and return, pushing the guns with their shoulders, until they reached the mountain. Then, because the guncarriages would go no further, they would unmount the guns, and, with shoulders and ropes, push and drag them up the mountain. There they would remount them on treetrunks in place of carriages.

So when the royalist troops saw that they could effect nothing, they sent word to Istahbanat, Darab, and the other districts round Nayríz, and commanded the tribes to furnish as many marksmen and warriors as could be mustered, that these might surround the mountain on all sides and storm it after their own [tribal] fashion of warfare. And when this had been done, there were, besides the regular troops deputed for this task, nearly three thousand mounted gunmen of the people of Fárs, tribesmen, and others. These ascended the mountain on every side.

Hamadání gives this figure as ten thousands; see Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 130.

The illustrious friends [i.e., the Bábís], men and women alike, defended themselves most gallantly, and everywhere displayed, both in defense and attack, the most desperate courage, until most of them were slain, and the few survivors, having exhausted their powder and shot, were taken prisoners. Then the people, swarming over the mountain on all sides, seized the griefstricken and downhearted women whose husbands had been slain, and brought them, together with a few little children, to the camp; and we can well guess the treatment to which these women and children were then subjected. After that the host of local auxiliaries dispersed, while the regular troops broke up their camp, and, carrying with them their prisoners, and the severed heads of the men, set out for Shíráz, which in due course they reached.

In accordance with the instruction of the central authorities, the heads of the martyrs were sent from Shíráz to the Qájár monarch in Tihrán as a prize. However upon reaching Ábádih, the royal command arrived with the instruction not to bring the heads to Tihrán, but rather to [p. 145] bury them in that locality. [From the blessings of the martyrs,] Ábádih has now become an exceptionally pleasant place, and a Hadiratu’l-Quds had been established in that spot as well.

I have been informed that when the exalted Nabíl passed through Nayríz, he heard the details from certain aged folk who had survived from that time and had full knowledge of all that took place. The truth of the first and the second [Nayríz] battles is what has been described herein.

In a footnote of Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 131, Prof. Browne remarks that this section had been a subsequent addition to the original text of Hamadání, which seems a reasonable conclusion. However, Browne identifies “Nabíl” as Mírzá Muḥammad Zarandí and refers to A Traveler’s Narrative for details concerning him. The present translator suspects, however, that by Nabíl was meant Mullá Muḥammad Qa’iní, surnamed Nabíl Akbar, who in subsequent years had revised the narrative of Siyyid Ḥusayn Hamadání and created what is known as Táríkh Badi‘ Bayání. Therefore, it seems that the Cambridge Codex used by Browne is actually not a narrative of Siyyid Ḥusayn, but rather this revision by Nabíl Akbar. Concerning the latter, see Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 112–15, and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Memorials of the Faithful, pp. 1–5.

In short, with utmost wretchedness and distress, the much-wronged captives were kept in a caravansary for a period until the believers in Shíráz began to sponsor a number of them and they found husbands [and gained support].

For a discussion of Nayríz-I see Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, chapter 21. For a documented history of Nayríz see, Rabbani, The Bábís of Nayríz: History and Documents.

Chapter 6 The Household of Hujjat

[p. 145:10] After a while, consistent with the instruction of the Qájár sovereign, the captives of Zanjan, that is, the household of the illustrious Akhúnd Mullá Muḥammad-‘Alí Zanjání, [surnamed] Hujjat, who were previously destined for Tihrán, were now ordered to be sent to Shíráz. Bíbí Ruqiyyih, the eldest daughter of the illustrious Hujjat, related the details of this episode for this servant thus:

Lit., The Proof, one of the formal titles of the Báb. Toward the latter part of His life, the Báb bestowed some of His own titles on His chief disciples. For instance, in 1848 He bestowed the title of “Hadrat-i A‘lá” (His Holiness the Exalted One) on Quddús.

After thirteen months during which the much-wronged party [i.e., the Bábís] had battled the government’s army, one morning Hujjat summoned his entire household into his presence. These included his three wives, two of whom were permanent, while one was contracted, and she did not have a child. One of the permanent wives was our mother who had six children, that is, five daughters and a son: Bíbí Ruqiyyih, Bíbí Sarih, Bíbí Fátimih, Bíbí Saffiyih, Bíbí Hamidiyh, and Mírzá Ḥusayn. The other permanent wife had a two-year-old son named Ahmad who was held closely at his mother’s bosom. We all attained our father’s presence where we were exhorted with words to this effect:

Islamic jurisprudence allows for four permanent wives and any number of concubines. The latter do not typically enjoy the same status as the former.

Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, p. 578, gives his name as Mihdí and suggests that he died in Shíráz.

You must endeavor to distinguish yourselves over the other people and in no wise should you be like the rest. You must possess chastity, purity, piety, detachment, religion, and trustworthiness. Your deeds must bear witness to the nobility of being a believer and a companion of the Qá’im. Should your conduct be such that the One Exalted God will be well pleased with you, my spirit will also rejoice and be glad. My martyrdom is certain. They will martyr me. After me, each of you many choose either martyrdom or captivity, and the Lord will assuredly grant your desire.

He spoke at length in this manner. The younger wife who had an infant child replied, “I wish martyrdom so that in whichever of God’s worlds you dwell, I would be with you.” He replied, “Since you desire and aspire martyrdom, be confident that such will be your destiny.”

Our mother made reply, “Captivity has a greater station since the Household of the Prophet, that is, the wife and the descendants of the Prince of Martyrs [i.e., Imám Ḥusayn] were seized and taken from town to town and land to land, and, therefore, I desire enslavement.” “Imprisonment is decreed as your fortune and that of your children,” Hujjat answered. He then added, “Today is my last day in this transient world. I ask that after my martyrdom, you bury me in my clothes by the threshold of this room and place all your reliance in the Divine Sovereignty.”

After his utterances concluded, a cannonball shot by the enemies broke through the room and instantly martyred the younger wife and the child at her bosom. Hujjat instructed that she and her infant be buried at the same spot. Shortly thereafter, another bullet came through and took his own life. In accordance with his instructions, the companions interred his remains by the room’s entrance. When the enemies learned that his holiness [Hujjat] was martyred, they surrounded the camp and seized all the remaining followers. Then they searched for his body. Finding the spot where he had been buried, they exhumed the remains and, cutting off his finger, [p. 150] removed a ring he wore.

Hamadání, Táríkh-i Jadíd, p. 162, notes that anticipating this eventuality, Hujjat had stated, “Suffer no one to remove the diamond ring which I wear on my hand.” Being asked the reason for this injunction, he had replied, “They must cut off my finger as they did that of Ḥusayn ibn ‘Alí ere they can take the ring.”

Thereafter, they apprehended all of us—a group that consisted of five sisters and my brother, together with our mother and our father’s concubine wife—and plundered all our possessions and seized our properties. Having completed these, they readied camels previously belonging to our family, and, accompanied by caravan-masters, they compelled us to mount the camels. In utmost misery, we were conducted in such wise from Zanjan to Tihrán.

Upon arrival at Tihrán, the Qájár monarch was informed of the manner in which they were made captive and conducted to the capital. The Sháh ordered that the prisoners must not remain in Tihrán but instead panniers be prepared for their delivery to Fárs in a dignified and befitting manner. Subsequent to the Sháh’s command, panniers with exquisite covers were readied and several attendants assigned to their service. In this manner they were conducted to Shíráz.

Arrival in Shíráz

Upon arrival, they were housed outside the city limits in a caravansary constructed by the late Karím Khán Zand, known by the name of Sháh Mír ‘Alí-Hamzih. After two days, in accordance with the instructions from the central authorities, the governor-general leased a house near his Ark [the seat of government] and relocated them to that place. He also issued orders for a governmental stipend so that the family would have a source of livelihood.

Time passed and the daughters of Hujjat reached the age of maturity and each married. The late Mírzá Abú‘l-Ḥasan Khán, the Mushíru’l-Mulk [II], took one of the daughters named [Bíbí] Saffiyih as a permanent wife, and he also arranged for her brother, Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán, to be employed as his personal attendant, thereby ensuring their escape from the constant harassment and injury of the enemies.

Born in AH 1226/AD1811, in 1846 he succeeded his father, Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí, the Mushíru’l-Mulk I, as the vizier of Fárs and served in this capacity for the next 30 years. When Farhád Mírzá, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Dawlih, was appointed governor-general, in collusion with the vizier’s rival, Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, he dismissed the Mushír from office and imprisoned him for a short time. Eventually, the Mushír regained his freedom and spent the rest of his days looking after his vast estate. He passed away in 1885. See Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, pp. 39–40.

Several of Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets to the daughters of Hujjat in Shíráz can be found in INBMC 51:107, nos. 106–7; 51:379, no. 394; 51:380–81, no. 396; and 51:382, no. 398. The last Tablet is addressed to Bíbí Fátimih, and the two preceding it are revealed in honor of Bíbí Ruqiyyih.

The Journey of Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim

During the period that the captives of Nayríz and Zanjan were being brought to Shíráz, the report was circulating among the population in an unseemly manner, provoking a general uproar and tumult. As such, Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim<11>, whose excellent name was previously mentioned in these pages, recognized that because of the persecutions by lewd elements and the tyranny and pressure of the authorities, he could no longer tarry in Shíráz and therefore prepared to leave for Mecca. The wife of the illustrious martyred-uncle, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, insisted that her only child, Hájí Mírzá Javád<23>, was to accompany his uncle, Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, to Mecca. At that time Mírzá Javád was about twenty-eight years old and a year earlier had married his cousin, the daughter of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, the illustrious maternal uncle of the Báb. It was during this journey that Mírzá Javád passed away in Mecca.

Hajíyyih Bíbí Ján was a half-sister of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim.

Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 516, states this journey was by Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad<5> and Mírzá Javád. However, the Afnán family records indicate otherwise.

Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, p. 446, states that Mírzá Javád died at infancy.

This journey of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim lasted some eighteen months. The news of the martyrdom of the His Holiness the Exalted One—may the spirit of both worlds be a sacrifice for His pure blood—and the news of the passing of Hájí Mírzá Javád concurrently reached Shíráz and caused intense mourning and grief [among the kinsmen].

After his pilgrimage to Mecca and the ‘Atabát, the honored Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim returned to Shíráz, and by then the excitement in Fárs had subsided to some degree and no longer was this matter current on the tongues and in the conversations.

Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 528, states that on this journey he attained the presence of Bahá’u’lláh.

Chapter 7 Conversion of the Family of the Báb

[p. 153:7] After the martyrdom of His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb]—may the spirit of all else be a sacrifice unto Him—and subsequent to the events and troubles of Tihrán, which surely have been recorded in the history of that city, on the fifth day of Jamádu’l-Avval AH 1269 [14 February 1853], the Blessed Perfection [Bahá’u’lláh]—exalted be His mention and praise—arrived at the Abode of Peace [i.e., Baghdad]. Through trusted emissaries, He commenced sending mighty Tablets to various parts and corners of Iran bearing His sacred insignia, 152, which is the number of Bahá.

Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, p. 109, and Balyúzí, Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, p. 106, state that Bahá’u’lláh arrived in Baghdad on 8 April 1853.

According to the abjad system, the numerical values of the three letters composing the word Bahá (B, H, and A) are 2, 5 ,and 1, respectively.

Conversion of Núri’d-Dín

One such Tablet was revealed in honor of the exalted leaf [Khadíjih Bagum], the wife of His Holiness the Exalted One, in Fárs. At that time, no one in the Afnán family was among the believers, and consequently none were in the confidence of the illustrious wife [of the Báb]. As such, she began to speak and teach the present writer’s father, Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, whom the Ancient Beauty in a splendid Tablet designated thus: “We have named thee at this moment, Núri’d-Dín [the light of Bahá’í Faith].”

For a biography see, Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 216–36.

For ease of reference, the entire Tablet is provided below and is a slight modification of the translation appearing in Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 235; (original Text in INBMC 51:323, no. 326, and Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, p. 201): Afnán. The honored Mírzá Áqá, upon him rest the Glory of God!
He is God, exalted is He, the Lord of Majesty and Grandeur.
O My Afnán! Upon thee rest My Glory, My Bounty, and My Favor.
Verily, the Servant-in-Attendance [i.e., Mírzá Áqá Ján, Bahá’u’lláh’s amanuensis] came and made mention of thee in Our presence. We therefore extolled thee in such wise as to cause the cities of remembrance and utterance to be set ablaze. Verily, thy Lord is the Supreme Ruler over all things. We have named thee at this moment, Núri’d-Dín. We beseech God that He may ordain for thee that which will draw thee nigh unto Him and be of profit to thee. He, verily, is the All-Gracious, the All-Knowing, the All-Wise.
My affection rest upon thee and those that are with thee who hear thy voice in this mighty Cause.

At that time Núri’d-Dín was thirteen years of age and was her nephew. They engaged in discussion about the Cause, and shortly thereafter he embraced the Faith. The sacred breath of the illustrious wife [of the Báb] penetrated his being in such wise that even from a young age he was consumed with profound zeal and devotion, and was uncontrollably [p. 155] propelled to teach the Faith with utmost courage and audacity.

The original text states “eleven,” however, someone, possibly the author, has crossed it out and written “thirteen” over it. Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p. 856, gives Núri’d-Dín’s age at the time of conversion as 11 years old. Since the latter source has heavily relied on Mírzá Habíbu’lláh’s account for its information on Fárs, it suggests that Fádil Mázandarání had an early copy of this manuscript in his possession.

Initially, he taught [the new Theophany to] his own father, Áqá Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín, who was close to the late Áqá Mír Muḥammad-Ridá, the Báb’s father, and was his paternal cousin. Having effected the spiritual conversion of his father, he turned his attention to his mother, [Zahrá Bagum], as she was a sister of the wife [Khadíjih Bagum], and she gave submission to the new religion as well. Thus his condition was eased within his immediate household.

Theophani: means that God, in some form, comes to man and shows himself; a divine revelation, in modern religious science a term for a divine revelation.

My late father forwarded supplications to the sanctified presence [of Bahá’u’lláh] in the Abode of Peace, and in response was honored with mighty Tablets in the sacred hand of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. These Tablets are currently kept in a special container. Divine benevolence thus embraced him.

As described in the preface, at ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s bidding, Núri’d-Dín prepared a collection of Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets revealed in his honor and sent a copy to the Holy Land. This densely written compilation is more than 161 pages long.

At that time, two requests for attainment unto His sanctified presence were sent [to Bahá’u’lláh]: one from my late father, Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín, and the other from his father, the late Áqá Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín. In response, two separate wondrous and hallowed Tablets in the blessed hand of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá were revealed [by Bahá’u’lláh]. In reply to the late Áqá Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín’s request, after bestowing great favors upon him, it was written, “Thou hast requested permission to attain Our presence. Before this Tablet reacheth thee, thou wilt have reached Us.” And in response to my late father’s missive, again after showering him with immense bounties, it was revealed in Arabic, “Thou hast requested permission to come before Us, but know that thou wilt be honored with this in the course of the next Manifestation.”

INBMC 51:318, no. 320, and Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, p. 18.

INBMC 51:320, no. 321.

By the time that these sacred Tablets were received, Áqá Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín had passed away, and the meaning of His sanctified Person [i.e., Bahá’u’lláh] became evident and clear, as he had reached the Beloved before the Tablet had reached him. My late father, however, would often remark that he was most puzzled by the statement, “…in the course of the next Manifestation” he would attain the presence.

Núri’d-Dín attained the presence of Bahá’u’lláh after His Declaration and the inauguration of the Bahá’í Faith.

Conversion of the Great Uncle of the Báb

After having confirmed his parents, my father commenced discussion with the illustrious Khál, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad. One day a group of the friends were in his [Núri’d-Dín’s] presence, and my brothers and this servant were in attendance as well, and he thus recalled his discussions with the honored Khál:

At the beginning when I broached the subject with the illustrious Khál, he would persistently refuse, and yet I would put forth more evidences and proofs [in support of the Báb’s claim]. It proceeded in such wise for several meetings.

Letters of the Khál Akbar written upon the Báb’s return from the Ḥájí journey and arrival in Búshihr indicate that by May 1845 he had already become a believer, though it is likely that he thought the Báb was only a representative of the Hidden Imám; see Rabbani, “Conversion of the Great Uncle of the Báb,” and appendix 4.

One day in the course of our discussion I was strenuously enumerating proofs when, with great amazement, he exclaimed, “Áqá Mírzá Áqá, are you saying that my Nephew is the Qá’im of the House of Muḥammad?” “And what if He is?” I responded. Thoroughly astounded, he rejoiced, “That would be most extraordinary,” to which I replied, “There is nothing strange about it!”

[From this comment,] he became most reflective. Considering his condition, I smiled. He asked, “Why do you laugh?” At first, I refused to answer and replied, “It might not be polite on my part, and therefore it is best for me not to say.” However, he insisted, “Do not be reticent and say [what you are thinking].” “Now that you wish,” I responded, “I will share. The objection that your exalted self now raised is the very one that Abu-Lahab raised previously. He too declared, ‘Is it possible for my Nephew to be the Prophet of God?’ Yet it was. Therefore, you must also exert yourself and investigate this matter. Know assuredly that this Sun has risen from your house, and this Light has become manifest in your household. You should be proud! Do not be perplexed, and do not separate yourself therefrom. The Almighty is well able to have appointed your Nephew as the Qá’im of the House of Muḥammad. ‘The Hand of God is free.’”

An uncle of Muḥammad who rejected and opposed His Mission.

Then, the honored Khál responded, “The light of mine eye! What an irrefutable answer! There is no further room for objection. What am I to do now?” I said to him, “This is what you ought to do: First, it is obligatory upon you to go on pretext of pilgrimage to the ‘Atabát and there to visit your exalted sister, (namely, the mother of His Holiness [the Báb], as after the news of the Martyrdom she proceeded to the ‘Atabát and resided there). Second, Íshán (that is, the Blessed Beauty) now resides in Baghdad, and it behooves you to journey there for a few days and to inquire of your perplexities. [p. 160] You must exert yourself and place your reliance in God. I hope that the veils will be lifted and certitude will be attained. ‘Man can have nothing but what he strives for.’” After hearing these remarks, he responded, “Not a bad idea. Your words have penetrated my heart.”

Qur’án 53:39.

A slightly different translation of the above four paragraphs appears in Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 220–21.

He wrote his [youngest] brother, Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí, who at that time was a merchant in Yazd, “I intend to visit the ‘Atabát and meet our exalted sister. Should you wish to join in, come to Shíráz so we may journey together.” On seeing his brother’s letter, Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí wrote, “I stand ready to join you on this pilgrimage. Kindly remain in Shíráz until my arrival, and thereupon we will travel to the ‘Atabát.”

Therefore, the honored Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad commenced preparation for the journey and awaited the arrival of Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí. A month later, the Hájí arrived in Shíráz, and together they set out for Búshihr and the ‘Atabát. En route, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad did not divulge the true object of their quest to his brother and instead waited until they arrived at the Abode of Peace. In Baghdad, he informed Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí, “The principle objective of this journey from Shíráz was to make a religious inquiry and investigation, and only secondarily did I wish to visit our sister in the ‘Atabát. With your consent, we will tarry for a while in Baghdad and meet with His Holiness Íshán [Bahá’u’lláh], and after having completed our investigation, we will then proceed to the ‘Atabát.” Upon hearing these words, however, the honored Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí was moved with great indignation and notwithstanding Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad’s seniority, spoke harshly, “I will not stay for one moment and have no wish to hear of such discussions.” That very day, Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí departed [from Baghdad].

Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 521, states this discussion took place in Kazimiyn.

The esteemed Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad remained behind and tried to meet with the venerable Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í, whose good name was mentioned earlier in this history. Upon their encounter, he informed the latter, “The purpose of my journey to the Abode of Peace is to meet with His Holiness Íshán and make certain religious inquiries. As you are known to His blessed Person and attain His presence, kindly request permission and ask for an appointment [that I may gain His presence].” In light of their long friendship and association, the honored Hájí Siyyid Javád, who was at that time a believer and confirmed, was deeply moved with the Khál’s stated purpose and expressed his profound joy and felicitation over this matter.

Thereupon, he attained the presence of the Blessed Beauty and stated, “The honored Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, the second Khál of His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb]—may the spirit of all else be a sacrifice unto Him—has come from Shíráz to the Abode of Peace and wishes to gain the bliss of Your presence. Would permission be granted?” Out of divine favor and grace, [Bahá’u’lláh] expressed His joy and fixed the hour of the meeting and granted permission.

At the appointed time, together with Hájí Siyyid Javád, he [the uncle of the Báb] attained His presence and was surrounded with His immense blessing, at which time he shared his understanding regarding the issue of the appearance of the Qá’im, the prophecies [associated with this event], and certain other matters that expressed his deeply held convictions. In response, some of these difficulties were addressed [by Bahá’u’lláh], but then, as a grace upon all, He said, “Commit to paper all that you have in mind about such propositions so that sufficient and convincing response will be written as well.”

On hearing this, the honored Khál was exceedingly happy because of His benevolence and that very night wrote in detail the complex questions he had in mind regarding the appearance and the proofs of the promised Qá’im and presented these queries.

See appendix 4 for the text of questions.

In response, the sacred Kitáb-i Íqán was revealed in the honor of the Khál and bestowed upon him, and at that time was known as [p. 165] the [Risalih-i] Khálawiyyih [i.e., The Treatise for the Uncle]. That very copy of the Kitáb-i Íqán was seen by this servant in the possession of the illustrious Khál’s daughter, namely, the mother of the late Hájí Mírzá ‘Alí<54>. The entire Book, from the beginning to the end, is in the blessed hand of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá—may the spirit of both worlds be a sacrifice unto His being—and only in a few margins had the Blessed Beauty—exalted be His mention—added comments or made alterations in His own blessed Hand. At present, following her passing, that sacred copy is in the trust of the daughter<114> of the late Hájí Mírzá ‘Alí, the wife of the late Hájí Mírzá Ḥusayn-‘Alí Yazdí, known as ‘Umummí.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh provides the following marginal note in his own hand: We did not attain our purpose in Shíráz, happy the day that Háfiz departs for Baghdad. Clearly, this poem speaks to the condition of the illustrious Khál, though outwardly it was written by the great mystic [Háfiz].”

See Balyúzí, Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, p. 165; Giachery, Shoghi Effendi, pp. 149–50, and Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, pp. 49–56, for discussions of the fate of the original copy of the Book of Certitude.

In all events, subsequent to beholding the text of the Kitáb-i [Íqán] which resolved his questions, he became a believer and attained certitude, and then proceeded to the ‘Atabát whence, after having met with his sister who was the mother of His Holiness, he returned to Shíráz.

Khál’s Return to Shíráz

The friends came to meet the illustrious Khál and to receive spiritual sustenance from him. The late Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán related:

Upon attaining the presence of the Khál, with the greatest affection he welcomed me and expressed his immense gratitude by saying, “My son! Although age-wise you are considered as my own child, yet spiritually you rank as my father. For had it not been for your insistence and exertions in convincing me to undertake this journey, I would have never gone to the Abode of Peace and would have failed in attaining the station of certitude, which is the utmost desire of them that seek nearness to God.” He then prayed for me from the depths of his heart.

I asked, “Kindly grant me permission to speak also with your honored sons [so they too might find their way to the Faith of the Báb].” “Yea, speak with them at once,” he exclaimed, “and endeavor that they too may be confirmed in their belief and not remain deprived and without benefit.”

With the Khál’s acquiescence, he spoke with [his three sons], Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí<14>, Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Taqí<13>, and Hájí Mírzá Buzurg<15>, and within a short time and through the divine confirmations they all embraced the Cause and attained the shore of certitude. However, they kept [their newfound religion] a complete secret and acted with great wisdom, not even telling their households about their conversion.

The number of believers at that time was very few, but the power of faith had permeated their being in such wise that they would not weary of one another. They were all focused on the Abode of Peace. Through trusted messengers they would send their missives into the presence of Bahá’u’lláh, referred to in those days as “Íshán” [lit., They]. Eventually, the appointed hour for His Manifestation arrived, and the world was renewed with a fresh spirit and life. The promise of His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb]—may the spirit of all that dwell on earth be a sacrifice unto His pure blood—now stood fulfilled. Unveiled and manifest, the Sun of Reality shone forth with the utmost brilliance and was declared universally on the fifteenth of Dhi’l-Qa‘dih AH 1279 [4 May 1863]. After a stay of twelve days at the Garden of Najib-Pasha, [Bahá’u’lláh] proceeded for Istanbul.

All other sources, including Bahá’u’lláh’s own testimony, agree however that His Declaration took place on 22 April 1863.

Before departure from the Garden of Ridván, on the final day of His stay, Bahá’u’lláh sent a Tablet in His own hand to Núri’d-Dín openly declaring His station (slightly modified translation from Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 222; the original Text is in INBMC 51:321–22, no. 322).
[Mírzá] Áqá in Sh[íráz]
He is the Glorious!
Hearken to what the departing Dove revealeth unto thee, as He prepareth to leave the realm of ‘Iráq—such are the methods of God decreed for His Messengers. Let this not cause thee sorrow. Put thy trust in thy Lord and the Lord of thy forefathers. Those who are endowed with the insight of the spirit are independent of all that was and shall be created, and are able to behold the mysteries of the Cause behind the thickest veils.
Say, O beloved of God! Fear none and let nothing grieve you; be ye steadfast in the Cause. By God, those that have drunk of the love of God, the Glorious, the Effulgent, fear no one and show patience in calamity—like unto the patience of the lover before the good-pleasure of the beloved. Amongst them affliction ranketh greater than that which is perceived by lovers in the countenance of the beloved.
Say, O concourse of evildoers! Ere long the Cause of God will, in truth, be exalted and the standards of those who join partners with God will perish, and the people shall enter the Faith of God, the Sovereign, the Supreme, the Ancient of Days. Well is it with those that hast even now have hastened forth in the love of God and received the tidings of the breath of the Holy Spirit. Glory be unto you, O concourse of believers in the unity of God.
[signed] 152.
[postscript:] Know then that thy missive hath reached Us, and We have given this reply to engender in thy heart the warmth of yearning, to cause thee to turn unto the paradise of this resplendent Name, to make thee detached from all things, and to enable thee to soar to such heights as the wings of the worldly-wise have in no wise attained, who are deprived of the shade of God’s countenance and are indeed of the perplexed.

Arrival of Nabíl Zarandí

In accordance with His sanctified instructions, the late Mullá Muḥammad Zarandí, surnamed by the Blessed Tongue as Nabíl A‘zam, was charged with proclaiming the new Cause throughout Iran. He proceeded from the Abode of Peace and via Búshihr arrived in Shíráz and established his residence in the house of the late Afnán, namely, Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín. The friends were informed, and as the intoxicated moth that circles the candle in adoration, they gathered around him. At first, Nabíl spoke with great wisdom. My late father related:

Under the events of 1283AH/1866, Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 3, states: “Mullá Muḥammad Zarandí (Nabíl A‘zam), wearing the garb of dervishes, and Mírzá Munír Kashání, Mírzá Ahmad, and Mírzá Ja‘far Yazdí, and some others, were charged with travelling throughout Iran and ‘Iraq to teach the Cause of Bahá’u’lláh, wining over the Bábís.”

Nabíl’s own travel diary indicates that he arrived in Shíráz from Ardistán. A summary of Nabíl’s travels from the time of Bahá’u’lláh’s Declaration in April 1863 until Nabíl’s arrival in Shíráz is as follows: Nabíl arrived in Baghdad in time for Naw-Rúz 1863 and participated in the celebrations at the Garden of Ridván. Upon Bahá’u’lláh’s departure from Baghdad, Nabíl remained behind for 19 days, but joined the Holy Caravan in mid-July 1863. He remained with Bahá’u’lláh until December of that year, when he was sent to teach the Cause in ‘Iraq and Iran. He eventually reached Baghdad by Naw-Rúz of 1864, then traveled in the western and central parts of Iran, and eventually returned to Bahá’u’lláh in Edirnih. Once more, he was sent to Iran for the propagation of the Bahá’í Faith. In the winter of 1866, while in Tihrán, he saw a copy of the Surih Asháb as well as a Tablet addressed to himself and learned that it was time to widely teach the Bábís about the appearance of the Promised One of the Bayán, namely, Bahá’u’lláh. He proceeded to Khurásán and in a meeting with the believers in Mashhad, threw the writings of Yahyá Azal in the fire and thus invited them to embrace the Faith of Bahá’u’lláh. He then proceeded to Yazd, Ardikán, and when he arrived in Na’ín, he learned in a newly arrived Tablet that Bahá’u’lláh had titled him, Nabíl A‘zam. He went to Ardistán where he received the text of the two Tablets of Ḥájí and learned that he was to perform these rites. He proceeded immediately to Shíráz by way of Isfahán for the fulfillment of this important mission and further teaching of the Bahá’í Faith. He reached Shíráz in the fall of 1866 (See Vahid Ra’fati, “Nabíl A‘zam Zarandí,” 5: 33–36).

Before anything else, as bidden by Bahá’u’lláh, Nabíl preformed the rites of the obligatory pilgrimage (Ḥájí). Nabíl knew the Afnán family from his visit in 1279AH/1862 when he had arrived in time for the marriage of Mírzá Buzurg <15> (Abú’l-Qásim Afnán, private communications, August 1994).

One morning, the honored Nabíl said to me, “Bid the entire body of believers gather at a suitable location and bring with them whatever Writings they possess. You bring all the Writings in your tenure as well, as I wish to segregate them. I have a particular charge that I must announce and desire to leave Shíráz shortly, as I must travel for other territories.”

Congruent with Nabíl’s request, I informed the friends to assemble in the home of the late Áqá Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Karím and emphasized especially that they bring with them all the Writings and Tablets that were in their possession. [p. 170] At the appointed hour, the friends congregated, bringing the Tablets and Writings. After partaking of tea, the venerable Nabíl gathered all the Writings and read each with great care. All the papers and Tablets were separated into three stacks and set apart from each other.

Better known as Kilíd-Dár [the key-keeper or the caretaker] he had been the custodian of Sháh-Chiráq.

Nabíl then announced, “The first group are the Tablets of His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb]—may the spirit of all else be a sacrifice unto Him.” He placed these on the floor and picked up another batch, saying, “These are the Writings of ‘Him Whom God shall make manifest’—may His mention be exalted—the very Person whose Advent was promised by His Holiness the Exalted One to the concourse of the Bayán, making the acceptance or rejection of all that He had revealed dependent upon His good pleasure. With greatest clarity, He established a Covenant, declaring, ‘O people of the Bayán! Be vigilant, for the appearance of Him Whom God shall manifest is nigh. Beware lest the Bayán and all that is therein may shut you out from His Manifestation.’ ‘The Bayán is but a leaf before Him. Were He to deign accept it, it would be of His grace. And were He to reject it, it would be but a sign of His justice.’ In another passage, the time of His blessed appearance was fixed with precision, ‘In the year nine ye will attain unto all good.’ ‘He will proclaim His Cause and invite all the people and the followers of the Bayán to the ridván of the His divine recognition. Whosoever accepts Him, is reckoned among the dwellers of paradise. And whosoever rejects Him, is of the people of hellfire and by fire they shall perish.’ This third group are the polemic papers and are unworthy of consideration.” He then picked up the third group of papers and threw them into the stove where a fire was burning.

Arabic Bayán, cited by Bahá’u’lláh in Epistle to the Son of the Wolf, p. 141.

Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, p. 857, suggests the writings of Azal were meant.

[Upon this pronouncement,] a tumult was stirred among the friends. For instance, greatly agitated, the honored Khál, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, vociferously protested, “What manner of scheme is this? What sort of talks are these? Do you take faith to be like a weed; you cut it in daytime, and it grows again during the night?” In similar manner, many objected [to what Nabíl had advanced].

It was then that I [intervened and] spoke calmly to the Khál, stating, “Of a certainty, we must investigate and determine the actual truth of the situation. A mighty claim such as this must surely be true, for none save the True One has the temerity to advance such an assertion. Consider the time when His Holiness the Exalted One—glorified be His mention—was in Shíráz and proclaimed His divine mission. Was He not the Truth, and was He not sent by the One Exalted God to guide mankind? How was it, then, that everyone rejected Him, vast multitudes rose in opposition to Him, and in fact you were denying Him until you investigated, determined the truth of His claim, and drank from the chalice of assurance? Further, you hastened to the Abode of Peace and there met His Holiness Íshán [i.e., Bahá’u’lláh], partook of the vast ocean of His understanding, and the sublime Book of Khálwiyyih was revealed specifically in honor of your good self. While in that city, did you meet any person [worthy of such august claim] other than Íshán? Of a certainty, He alone is the essence of Truth. ‘Beyond Truth, there is naught but waywardness.’”

This paragraph and the three preceding it were previously translated differently in Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 226–27.

After hearing such reasoning, the illustrious Khál grew reflective and responded, “We must thoroughly investigate this matter, as religion is not a trivial matter.”

In this way, on that day, the dispute among the believers was reduced, and the esteemed Nabíl was able to proceed towards Isfahán.

Henceforward, all the friends in Fárs embraced the claim of “Him Whom God shall manifest,” namely, the Blessed Beauty—glorified and exalted be His mention—and became firm and steadfast in their allegiance to Him.

During Nabíl’s explanation of Bahá’u’lláh’s claim and station, Khadíjih Bagum had been listening from behind a veil separating the two rooms and had immediately accepted Him; see Balyúzí, Khadíjih Bagum, p. 31.

Opposition of Shaykh Muḥammad

My father further related:

There was a certain Shaykh Muḥammad Yazdí in Shíráz who was a believer in His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb] and prior to the Declaration of the Blessed Beauty would always say, “The Promised One of the Bayán, namely, ‘Him Whom God shall manifest,’ can be none other than Bahá’u’lláh.” The believers were particularly disturbed with such talk [p. 175] and were determined to harm him in some way. Often, they would come to me, complaining, “Please allow us to injure Shaykh Muḥammad, as it is now only the beginning of the Dispensation, and he is raising matters that will cause differences. Indeed, he is planting seeds of division and rancor.” I would admonish them to calmness and respond, “It is best for you not to heed such comments and to leave him to himself. No one, as yet, has advanced a claim, and Shaykh Muḥammad is welcome to speak as he wishes.” In short, I would endeavor to find ways to quiet the friends.

It went thus until the honored Nabíl arrived and announced the Cause [of Bahá’u’lláh], and all the believers readily accepted and embraced the straight path, except for the aforementioned Shaykh Muḥammad who raised the standard of hesitation. With great energy he would resist this announcement and say, “There is no truth to such a claim. The promise of the Bayán remains unfilled, and we must await the coming of year ‘Ghíyáth’ and the ‘Mustagháth.’ The Bayánic Era has not concluded, and the Bayánic laws have not been promulgated or implemented. Therefore, how could they be abrogated [so swiftly]?”

See, the Persian Bayán 2:17 and 3:15. For a summary translation, consult Momen, Selections from the Writings of E.G. Browne, pp. 336, 389–90. Ghíyáth (help) and Mustagháth (he who is called up for help) have numerical values of 1511 and 2001, respectively. The followers of Mírzá Yahyá erroneously interpreted this to mean that the Promised One of the Bayán was to appear in two millennia. It is clear from the text of the Persian Bayán, however, that the Promised One would appear before the expiration of Mustagháth (2001 years) and not at such a date. Bahá’u’lláh (Gleanings, p. 50) explains this further: “Sháke off, O heedless ones, the slumber of negligence, that ye may behold the radiance which His glory hath spread through the world. How foolish are those who murmur against the premature birth of His light. O ye who are inly blind! Whether too soon or too late, the evidences of His effulgent glory are now actually manifest. It behoveth you to ascertain whether or not such a light hath appeared. It is neither within your power nor mine to set the time at which it should be made manifest. God’s inscrutable Wisdom hath fixed its hour beforehand.”

This manner of talk was particularly disagreeable and offensive to the friends, and they unanimously resolved to slay Shaykh Muḥammad and destroy him altogether. They came to me and asked for permission, “Prior to [Bahá’u’lláh’s] Declaration, this man would maintain that the Promised One was none other than ‘Íshán’, and when, because of such remarks, we proposed to injure him, you prevented us. Now that Truth is manifest and the promise of the Bayán stands fulfilled, this evildoer is denying Him and wishes to provoke division amongst us and to become a barrier in the path of God. We are determined to slay him and only wish to receive your permission.” “You know best yourself,” I replied, “that of certainty one who repudiates the Truth must be chastised.”

The friends were particularly happy with this response and left determined to carry out that very night their plan by visiting and slaying that “denier of God” for his views. However, Shaykh Muḥammad became aware of their design and immediately took flight from Shíráz. In what direction he went, we never learned.

The tone of the original text implies that while, in order to pacify the believers, Núri’d-Dín had consented to the murder of Shaykh Muḥammad, yet secretly he had informed the latter of what was to occur.

Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 227, states that Shaykh Muḥammad proceeded to Istanbul where he joined with principal Azalis and caused great mischief. A more detailed outline of his activities is provided by Bahá’u’lláh (INBMC 51:524–25, no. 517) where it is noted that together with Yahyá Azal, he committed many misdeeds. In a Tablet dated 21 Safar 1307 AH/23 October 1889 to Núri’d-Dín in Port Said, Bahá’u’lláh refers to him as “Shaykh Muḥammad Kadhdháb [the liar]” (Núri’d-Dín Collection, p. 155).

Praise be unto God that the worthless seeds of Yammutí never took root in Shíráz, and the whole of province of Fárs remained cleansed and pure of the filth of mischievous and unholy men.

Lit., the deceased ones, a reference to the followers of Yahyá Azal.

The sole exception in Fárs was the community of Hindijan where one of the Bábís, Mullá Ḥusayn, went to Basra and met with Siyyid Muḥammad Isfahání, Azal’s principal associate. Through this contact, the majority of the Bábís of Hindijan became Azalis. However, after a few years, most of them returned to Islam, and Shaykh Salmán was able to establish a Bahá’í community there.

Conversion of the Remaining Kinsmen

After the departure of the honored Nabíl, Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán endeavored to teach and proclaim the blessed Cause, and was successful in confirming a number of seekers. During this period, he taught his maternal cousins, Áqá Siyyid Muḥammad-Ḥusayn and Áqá [Siyyid] Mírzá Abú’l-Ḥasan, the sons of the illustrious Afnán, the late Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim<11>. He would take them with him to various meetings and exert much effort in renewing their spirit. Some days ago, this servant was in the presence of my distinguished maternal uncle, Áqá Siyyid Muḥammad-Ḥusayn<37>, and asked him concerning the way he had found the Faith:

Repeatedly, your father, the honored Áqá Mírzá Áqá, who was a paternal cousin of mine, would speak about this Cause with my brother Áqá Mírzá Abú’l-Ḥasan and me, and share the Divine Words. He would also take us to various gatherings, especially the ones held at the home of Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Akbar Sábir. We attended several such meetings and heard the Sacred Verses. However, as we were of the same age as your father and were related to him, we did not much heed his efforts, though we would hold our tongues.

After some time, the honored Hájí Muḥammad-Ibráhím Yazdí, the Muballigh, arrived in Shíráz from Yazd. Your father took advantage of the opportunity and aligned the venerable Muballigh in this purpose with himself, and together they endeavored to teach and edify us. Out of the divine grace and through the confirmations from on High, we were able to recognize the Truth and embraced the Faith as believers.

Lit., the Teacher, a title bestowed upon him by Bahá’u’lláh.

In like manner the whole of the Afnán family in Shíráz accepted the Faith. Blessings be upon them and may their end be well!

My late father would relate: “During the time that the honored Hájí Muḥammad-Ibráhím tarried in Shíráz and taught the Faith, a large number were confirmed, including the whole of the Khayyát [tailor] family who were originally from Kazirun. The total number of believers at that time, both male and female, was more than fifty or sixty souls. They were all firm in their convictions, [p. 180] filled with zeal and did not waste a single moment, but ceaselessly proclaimed [the Bahá’í Faith] to everyone.” In this regard Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, who would also assist them with financial support, encouraged them. All meetings and gatherings were held in the residence of the esteemed Afnán.

For some unexplained reason, Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 224, has placed these events some years earlier, closer to 1863.

In short, after his sojourn in Shíráz, the honored Muballigh returned to Yazd. The reason for his departure was that his stay in Shíráz became broadly known, and the meddlesome characters were informed, resulting in the ‘ulamá pursuing the matter. Troubles seemed imminent, and it was therefore decided best for him to quit the city. My late father would relate:

Several times, I emphasized to the honored Muballigh, “Once you have regained Yazd, kindly speak with the Afnáns residing in that city so that haply they would become believers in the Faith as well.” Since the esteemed Hájí Muḥammad-Ibráhím was related to our Yazdí family, that is, his sister [Hájíyyih Bíbí Gawhar] had married Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí, a maternal uncle of His Holiness the Exalted One—may my spirit be a sacrifice unto Him—he was a confidant to the family.

Upon arrival in Yazd, in accordance with my request, he commenced discussions with the Afnán, that is, Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Ḥasan, [surnamed] Afnán Kabír, and their sons. As the scions were young and less fanatical, they hastened to embrace the Faith. However, despite of the Muballigh’s efforts, Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí refused to recognize at that time and stated, “I will accept only if Áqá Mírzá Siyyid Ḥasan, who is our superior in the realm of divine knowledge, would also assent and recognize.” That is, he allowed the honored Áqá Mírzá Siyyid Ḥasan to become his spiritual lens and conditioned his acceptance upon the latter’s.

Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 229, states that in accordance with the instructions of Bahá’u’lláh, Mullá Muḥammad Nabíl Akbar had also arrived in Yazd to teach the Bahá’í Faith, and he joined forces with the Muballigh.

After the greatest of efforts and troubles, finally Áqá Mírzá Siyyid Ḥasan accepted the Faith, and immediately thereafter, the honored Khál, Hájí Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí, embraced the Cause as well.

In such wise, none among this distinguished family, whether male or female, remained deprived of the blessing of recognition.

During the time that I tarried in Cairo, Egypt, one day the illustrious Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl—may my spirit be a ransom unto him—asked me, “Has the whole of the Afnán clan embraced the Faith, or have some remained as deniers?” “All have become believers,” I replied, “even their progeny and issue.” He remarked:

My purpose in asking this question was that while in Tihrán, during my visits with the honored Hájí Siyyid Javád Karbalá’í, he related, “At the beginning of the Manifestation of the Exalted One—may my spirit be a sacrifice unto Him—I besought His permission to speak about His appearance with His family. He prevented me saying, ‘Soon, the whole family will become believers, and not one among them will remain in doubt.’” Now I wish to know if indeed the entire family has recognized the Faith.

I confirmed that indeed, according to His blessed expectations, all the family had embraced [the Bahá’í Faith], even their descendants. Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl was exceedingly pleased.

Chapter 8 First Bahá’í Martyrs of Shíráz in 1871

[p. 183:11] After the departure of Hájí Muḥammad-Ibráhím [Muballigh] from Shíráz, the admired Nabíl Akbar, that is, Mullá Muḥammad Qá’iní, arrived here. He stayed for thirteen months in Shíráz, and his residence was the home of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán. During this time, he was engaged in teaching and serving [the Bahá’í Faith] and was able to convert a large number [of seekers to the Bahá’í Faith] and to renew their spirits.

Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 229, indicates that Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim<11> became a believer at this time, thereby completing the conversion of the Afnán family.

The Intercession of the Qavámu’l-Mulk

Among the incidents that occurred during this period in Shíráz and caused disturbance for the friends was the bitter dispute and conflict between Mírzá Abú’l-Ḥasan Khán, the Mushíru’l-Mulk [II], and Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [II]. Since the Mushíru’l-Mulk was a vizier [of the province] and the Qavámu’l-Mulk performed the offices of Kalántar [police] and Biglar-bayki [provincial mayor], the believers became pawns in their contentions.

He inherited the title after the passing of his father.

The fourth son of Hájí ‘Alí-Akbar Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk I, he was born in 1829 and in 1865, after the passing of his father, assumed his title and position. Among the projects he supervised was the construction of an aqueduct in 1879 that brought fresh water to the city. He passed away at the age of 56.

The Mushír’s intent was to cause revolt and unrest throughout the realm, in the hope that it would engulf [his opponent] the Qavám. In whatever town he arrived, the Mushír would compile a list of the believers and [p. 185] forward it to the governor-general. Further, he would incite the ‘ulamá and urge them to perpetrate various evils. Several times, he precipitated such disturbances and injuries.

Eventually, in AH 1283 [1866], during the governorship of Sultán-Murád Mírzá, the Hisámu’s-Saltanih, he prepared a list of the believers [in Shíráz] and provoked Shaykh

See appendix 5 for a biography.

Ḥusayn Zálim, known as the Nazimu’sh-Shári‘ih, to most vigorously pursue these souls. The persons [i.e., Bahá’ís] who, of every class, were on this list included Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad<5>, the Khál; Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Afnán<14>; Hájí Mírzá Buzurg Afnán<15>; Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Afnán<11>; and Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán<24>. All ranked as the noblest citizens of Shíráz and were among the renowned merchants. [Other believers also on the list were] Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan; Mashhadí Abú’l-Qásim Kharráz [haberdasher]; Mashhadí Nabí Khayyát [tailor]; Mashhadí Muḥammad-Ja‘far Khayyát; Áqá Mírzá Áqá Rikáb-Sáz [treadle-maker]; Karbalá’í Muḥammad-Háshim Qassáb [butcher]; Áqá Mullá ‘Abdu’l-lláh Zarqání, whom the Abhá Pen had surnamed “Rafí‘ Badí‘”; Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh Biká’; and a number of others.

See Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 857–58.

Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 859–60, gives his name as Muḥammad, which most likely is a misreading of “Mashhadí.”

For one instance of such designation, see Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablet to Núri’d-Dín in Port Said, INBMC 51:338, no. 342.

This list was given [by the Mushír] to the Qájár Prince Hisámu’s-Saltanih, who upon reviewing the recorded names, summoned Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, and with great vehemence, admonished him, “For several years now you have been given a position of service in the everlasting [central] government. And yet, you do not administer in the best interest of the government since the number of the traitorous elements [i.e., Bahá’ís] has grown to very many in the city! Why have you not on your own initiative reported the matter to us so that we would order their complete eradication? The first and foremost command of the everlasting government to the governors and officers is destruction of the enemies of the exalted Qájár crown and throne, and extermination of the filth of their person from the realm. Most assuredly and of a certainty, I expect these men [on the list] to be brought before me by tomorrow.”

Noting the fury of the Prince, the Qavámu’l-Mulk had remained silent for a few moments. The taciturnity of the latter added to the anger of the Prince who had spoken most abrasively to the Qavám. Eventually, the Qavámu’l-Mulk stated, “Your exalted self should enjoy a water-pipe while I explain the circumstances.” He ordered a water-pipe for the Prince whose rage subsided to some degree due to the poisonous effect of its tobacco. The Qavámu’l-Mulk then offered, “If it pleases your Excellency, I would explain in detail the character of these personages and to introduce them properly.” “Proceed without any hesitation,” the Prince replied.

The Qavámu’l-Mulk responded, “First, these people who have been enumerated on the list are not ordinary citizens. Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, and some others are among the distinguished merchants of the city. The rest are also noble, righteous men and are among the Bazaar’s trustworthy shopkeepers. What has been reported to the exalted Navváb [Prince] may not be true about them.” “Introduce them more fully so that we would be better informed of their condition,” the Prince ordered.

The Qavám then commenced to tell of each in more detail, “Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad<5> is a merchant, and Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí and Hájí Mírzá Buzurg are his two sons. Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Saqá-Khánih<11> is a renowned merchant and has attained your presence on a number of occasions. During the ‘Ashurá commemorations, from the tenth of the month [of Muharram], he initiates rawdih-khání ceremonies and gives alms by which a multitude of merchants, shopkeepers, and the needy are fed. If you kindly recall, during the last ‘Ashurá, the Mushíru’l-Mulk and this servant were in your esteemed company when we went to his [Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim’s] home, and you lit a candle by the pulpit and greatly praised his efforts. You spoke at length of the elegance his house, of the gathering, of the abundance of the worshippers, and especially of the Hájí himself. You stated, ‘In truth, this Siyyid is most distinguished, dignified, and benevolent toward the citizens.’ The Hájí insisted for you to partake of dinner, but you did not accept. Áqá Mírzá Áqá is a nephew and son-in-law of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim. [p. 190] These are not commonplace people whom, because of certain men’s animosity, we could arrest and cause disturbance in the city. Should your good self ever decide on their apprehension, I would first resign my office as the city’s Kalántar and Biglar-bayki and would quit town before seeing such an order carried out, since I do not wish to be responsible for the events that may transpire.”

Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim was a very wealthy merchant.

On hearing the Qavámu’l-Mulk speak thus and learning of the background of the individuals on the list, the Prince was moved deeply and in astonishment remarked, “Hide this list and do not comment regarding this matter to anyone. We no longer desire any disturbance for these merchants and Siyyids, but wish to have the others brought before us.” With considerable skill, however, the Qavámu’l-Mulk was able to persuade the Prince to forego this request and to leave the friends alone.

The Imprisonment of Believers

For a while such talk subsided, until a second event occurred causing once again the fire of hostility to glow brightly. The following description of that event is based on what my father, Áqá Mírzá Áqá [Núri’d-Dín], related:

The wife of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Rikáb-Sáz was a particularly rancorous and spiteful woman. The more that wronged-one tried to edify his wife and instill certitude in her, the less effect it had, and day-by-day she grew in enmity and hostility. He did not wish to divorce her because they had a child—a lad named Mírzá Nasru’lláh—whom he cherished fondly. No words of admonishment bore any fruits or had any effect on her. Eventually, the evildoers provoked this woman into going before Shaykh Ḥusayn Zálim and informing him, “My husband is a Bábí, and each day congregates with other Bábís and has regular meetings. [For this reason,] I no longer wish to live in his home.”

Nabíl A‘zam, The Dawn-Breakers, p. 156, states that he became a believer in the Báb on the occasion of His proclamation in the Masjid Vakíl. Later he traveled to Baghdad and attained the presence of Bahá’u’lláh, and in answer to his questions, a Tablet in exposition of the Disconnected Letters of the Qur’án, and the meaning of the Light Verse was revealed.

Presumably, a reference to the Mushíru’l-Mulk.

Shaykh Ḥusayn knew [her husband] Áqá Mírzá Áqá, as he had acted with wisdom, pretending to be among the foremost devotees of the Shaykh even to the point that at the mosque Áqá Mírzá Áqá would spread the prayer-mat for the Shaykh and wait upon him. Because of his confidence in him, at first the Shaykh refused to believe the woman and spoke most sternly, “You are a liar, as Áqá Mírzá Áqá is among my confidants.” In this manner, he sent the woman away.

Certain righteous men, who had witnessed this discussion with the Shaykh, reported the matter to that gentle soul, saying, “Be vigilant, as your wife has gone before the Shaykh registering such complaints against you. For now, the latter has admonished her and dismissed her protest. However, if you have certain Writings in your home, it is best to remove them immediately as he might follow through with an investigation.”

Áqá Mírzá Áqá had a pleasant Naskh style of calligraphy and often made copies of the Kitáb-i Íqán. He, however, paid no attention to their warnings, and the believers noting him to be heedless of their alerts, reported the matter to me and explained the situation. I requested Áqá Mírzá Áqá to come visit and then exhorted him to remove the Writings from his home and to deal with his wife in a way not to provoke her, as she might cause mischief.

For an example of his exquisite style, see the frontispiece of Balyúzí, Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory.

Nevertheless, after a few days, the wife had yet again gone before the Shaykh and cried out for intervention. This time the Shaykh, however, had remained silent. The mischief-makers, who had been at the Shaykh’s lecture, had spoken supportive of that shameless woman, and she, encouraged by finding a number championing her, had exclaimed, “O honored Shaykh! How can you allow my husband to be home at this hour busy with transcribing the Bábí books?” The Shaykh had become perplexed and stated, “If it is as you describe and you speak the truth, then with my own hands I shall slay Mírzá Áqá!”

In their midst was a person who was secretly a believer. He had quickly left the gathering and reported the situation to me, [p. 195] thus, “A group of troublemakers will shortly attack the home of Áqá Mírzá Áqá and will seize him and the Writings [in his possession] and will take them to the presence of the Shaykh.” I said to Nanih Ma‘sumih, who [in former days] had been one of the Nayrízi captives and had remained behind in Shíráz working in our home, “Quickly proceed to Áqá Mírzá Áqá’s residence and inform him of the details, and bring with you any Writings he may have. It is very likely that the mob will attack his house and will confiscate the Writings for the Shaykh. Make great haste to Áqá Mírzá Áqá!”

Nanih Ma‘sumih had put on her chador and briskly made her way to the home of Áqá Mírzá Áqá and observed him to be serenely engaged in transcribing [Bahá’í Writings]. She apprised him of situation. However, in refusing her request, the latter stated, “These are just idle talks. Shaykh Ḥusayn has the utmost confidence in me.” [Nanih Ma‘sumih] insisted, “It is far worse than you think! Rise and gather the Writings!” The honored Áqá Mírzá Áqá, however, procrastinated. Considering the urgency of the situation and Áqá Mírzá Áqá’s reluctance to heed her counsel, Nanih Ma‘sumih had seized the box of the Writings placed before her host, and hiding it under her chador, quickly walked out.

Stepping into the street, she heard the clamor of the mob approaching in haste and great fury, led by a number of the Akhúnds and the wife of that wronged-one. Hiding herself for the crowd to pass, the brave Nanih Ma‘sumih brought the box to me and informed me of the details.

Meanwhile, the crowd of myrmidons rushed into the house only to find Áqá Mírzá Áqá sitting alone, enjoying a water-pipe. The wife entered the dwelling to seize the box of the Writings for the Akhúnds to take to the Shaykh, but was unable to find it. Despite their thorough search, she and the Akhúnds found no evidence of any forbidden materials. Áqá Mírzá Áqá protested, “What is it? Why have you invaded my house?” They insisted, however, that he must go with them before the Shaykh. Astonished, he had replied, “What does our master require? I visited the venerable Shaykh this very morning.” The Akhúnd stated, “Your wife came before the honored Shaykh accusing you of being a Bábí, and indeed a transcriber of their Writings.” Since he was confident that no Writings were left in his house, Áqá Mírzá Áqá replied, “As no trace of any illicit materials are found in my home, it is most evident that my wife’s allegation is false!”

The Akhúnds admonished the woman, “Where are the materials you alleged to the honored Áqá [i.e., the Shaykh]? It is clear that you are a liar!” The woman had cried out, “By God, when I left the house this morning to attain the presence of Áqá, this apostate was engaged in transcribing. I do not lie.” The Akhúnds insisted, “If you speak the truth, then where are the Writings and the Books?” “Perhaps they have been taken by the ghosts,” said the woman, “as Mírzá Áqá controls the ghouls too!”

[Notwithstanding their lack of findings,] Áqá Mírzá Áqá was taken by the mob to Shaykh Ḥusayn Zálim who reproached him bluntly, but that wronged-one maintained his silence. The Shaykh insisted, “Mírzá Áqá, how do you respond to your wife’s claim that you are a Bábí?” “This woman is a liar,” Mírzá Áqá replied, “as she had alleged that I was a Bábí and a transcriber of their Writings, while in spite of their thorough search, none were found in my home. Had they found any, then it would have substantiated her statement. Therefore, it is evident that she harbors false resentments and speaks disparagingly.” The Shaykh responded, “If she is a liar [p. 200] and you are not a Bábí, then you must curse them forthwith.” “I do not know them, and as such how can I curse people not known to me?” That tyrannical man [i.e., Shaykh Zálim] then named both His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb] and the Blessed Perfection, and gave their particulars and instructed his victim to deprecate and denounce Both. On further refusing to comply with his persistently stated command, the Shaykh determined, “Indeed, it is apparent that your wife has spoken the truth.”

Thereupon, he proceeded to administer punishments with his own hands on the accused and afterwards wrote a report to the governor, and imprisoned that esteemed personage [Áqá Mírzá Áqá].

The following day, an enormous uproar engulfed the city, and again the Mushíru’l-Mulk prepared a long list of names, giving it to the Hisámu’s-Saltinih, claiming that they were all Bábís, deserving castigation and persecution.

The Prince summoned the Qavámu’l-Mulk, handed him the list and stated, “You are to bring these men before me.” The Qavámu’l-Mulk sensed that this time [the Navváb] was determined to see the matter through and that no intervention would help. Greatly perturbed, he instructed his farráshes and the Dárúghih to apprehend the named men.

“Footman,” “lictor,” “attendant.”

By that afternoon, the following were arrested and brought before the Qájár Prince: Áqá Mírzá Áqá Rikáb-Sáz; Mashhadí Nabí; Mashhadí Muḥammad-Ja‘far Khayyát; Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan [Bazzáz]; Karbalá’í Muḥammad-Háshim; Mashhadí Abú’l-Qásim Kharráz; Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán Sarvistání; Áqá Mírzá Báqir; Áqá Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh, the Fádil [Zarqání]; Áqá Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh Biká’; and a number of others. These men were assembled before [the Prince] Sultán-Murád Mírzá who instructed that they be chained and fettered in the dungeon.

[With the spread of this news] a great commotion was raised throughout the city. The thugs and ribald elements were now unrestrained to speak most vehemently [against the Bahá’í Faith] and perpetrate mischief. Anyone that harbored a grievance against another used the occasion to exact his wish. No manner of antagonism was avoided.

The Release of Two Prisoners

After a few days, the Qájár Prince ordered the wronged believers brought into his presence in his palace. At first the honored Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh Fádil, [surnamed] Rafí‘-Badí‘, was brought forward. Both the Mushíru’l-Mulk and the Qavámu’l-Mulk were in attendance as well. The Mushír had a particular affinity towards Fádil and did not wish to see him entangled in difficulties. The Prince addressed the prisoner, “O Akhúnd! They say that you are a Bábí!” “What am I to say?” the honored Fádil replied, “I pray that no one suffers such a day of troubles. Everyone has competitors in his own field and domain. Even we rawdih-kháns have much rivalry among ourselves. Since my profession is rawdih-khání, many people in Fárs, particularly the affluent citizens, are fond of my services, and this has precipitated jealousy among other preachers. Second, because in the past I had quoted verses of Mawláná [Jaláli’d-Dín] Rúmí in my sermons in support of various themes, for some time they accused me of being one of the Illuminists. Moreover, since this servant associated with Hájí Áqá Muḥammad and his esteemed son, Hájí ‘Ali Áqá, and they have shown kindness to me, then people have further alleged, ‘The Akhúnd is a Sufí [mystic]!’ And now they charge that I am a Bábí! This servant does not understand any of these proclivities. Of a certainty, whoever has reported on this matter to your august self is misinformed.”

Finding this an opportune moment, the Mushíru’l-Mulk interjected, “The honored Fádil, Áqá Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh, is a deeply learned and well-lettered man. He is the foremost preacher of the city and is often the first to offer homilies in the homes of the nobles [of Shíráz]. In fact, unlike the other rawdih-kháns, he attends such gatherings only with a written invitation. [p. 205] The city’s inhabitants universally testify to his trustworthiness, faith, sagacity, sincerity, piety, and detachment. In particular, he gives the closing sermons in religious ceremonies at the mosque and my Ḥusayniyyih during the months of Muharram and Safar, and the blessed month of Ramadán.”

In Arabic they would be translated as places of mourning (or remembrance) of the Imam. 

On hearing the Mushíru’l-Mulk intercede in such manner, the Prince paused a bit and then addressed the prisoner, “Fádil, is what they claim about you and others accurate, or is it a calumny?” Fádil replied with wisdom, “Your exalted self should know that I am a seeker. However, I have not yet determined the veracity or falsehood of this Faith and do not know of things hidden.” With this answer, the Prince was convinced and stated, “God willing, what they say about you are lies, and I hereby release you on the condition that from the depth of your heart you pray for His Majesty the King.” As such, the honored Fádil regained his freedom.

After him, Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh Biká’ was summoned, and as he was a man of weak constitution, he had conducted himself in a manner pleasing to them. He too was released. Others remained imprisoned.

Hájí Muḥammad Khán Balúch

During this period, Muḥammad Khán Balúch came to Shíráz. The enemies informed [the governor] that a dervish from Balúchistan sympathetic to these people [i.e., Bahá’ís] had arrived and in the streets and bazaars spoke in their praise. [The Hisámu’s-Saltanih] ordered his immediate arrest, and the officers located him in the Bazaar Kafsh-duzha [shoemakers], and after beating him harshly with their sticks, took him to the Governor’s Ark. The governor instructed him to be imprisoned and chained with the friends arrested earlier. My father, Áqá Mírzá Áqá, used to relate:

When I heard that Muḥammad Khán had also been apprehended, I consulted with several of the friends and decided to take action through Hájí Mírzá ‘Abdu’lláh Khán Bályuz, [the ‘Unu’d-Dawlih,] an uncle of the Muvaqqaru’d-Dawlih. (Though not a believer, he was a virtuous man and somewhat informed of the truth of this Cause.)

I went to see him, saying, “This man is from Balúchistan and a British subject, and on the accusation of being a Bábí Dervish has been imprisoned by the Hisámu’s-Saltanih. As you discharge the office of the Bályuzi, it behooves you to exert efforts towards his release. Perchance it is best to undertake this matter through Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí Khán, the Navváb, who is the British Consul General and can insist upon this man’s freedom.” Hájí Mírzá ‘Abdu’lláh Khán gave assurance that in whatever way possible he would bring about his release.

Bahá’ís continued to be known as the Bábís in Persian parlance.

He then went to visit Mírzá Ḥasan-‘Alí Khán, telling him, “It has come to my attention that one of the British subjects, who came to visit [Shíráz], has been arrested as a Bábí by the Prince Hisámu’s-Saltanih. This is an insult on you as the representative of the British Empire. You must officially confront the governor and free Muḥammad Khán from his prison.”

The Navváb thought about it a bit and then expressed his readiness. He met ceremoniously with the Prince [Hisámu’s-Saltanih] and said to him, “From what has been heard, you have arrested a British subject known as Muḥammad Khán Balúch. In light of the alliance between our respective nations, this iniquitous deed is untimely and unwarranted. I ask you officially to either surrender him to me, [p. 210] or to stand responsible before my government.” Noting that the Navváb was speaking emphatically and in his official capacity, the governor responded, “But honored Navváb, this person is a Bábí! That is the reason for his arrest.” The Navváb replied, “It is not proven to me that he is a Bábí. And even if he is, he is not an Iranian citizen. At worse, he can be asked to quit this turbulent city and return to his own abode.” The governor persisted, “He is an Iranian.” And the Navváb responded harshly, restating his earlier position, and soon the matter had escalated between them. The Navváb held his ground and spoke most strenuously. (At that time, the Navváb in Shíráz was like the present consul and enjoyed much prestige.)

The governor-general ordered [Hájí] Muḥammad Khán brought forthwith and in presence of the Navváb asked him, “Where are you from?” Hájí Muḥammad Khán responded in his native dialect, “I am a Balúch.” “From which region of the Balúchistan?” the governor then inquired. [In accordance with the secret instructions he had received, Muḥammad Khán] responded, “From the British Balúchistan.” The governor further stated, “Dervish, they say you are a Bábí!” “To begin with, a Dervish has no religion, whether Bábí or otherwise. I do not understand your meaning.” The Hisámu’s-Saltanih replied, “If you are not a Bábí, then you must curse Subh Azal.” Muḥammad Khán stated, “I curse subh azal, zuhr azal, and shám azal. All three be cursed! I do not know subh azal or shám abad!”

It is noteworthy that by this date, 1871, the governor-general of Fárs still thought that Yahyá Azal was the head of the Bábí community, indicating that the news of Bahá’u’lláh's Declaration had not been widely promulgated even among the high-ranking officials. The title “Subh Azal”, literary, the Morn of Eternity, appears in an Islamic Tradition that is called Hadith Kumayl (or referred to as, “Risálat al-Kumayliyya,” Kumayl being a disciple of Imám ‘Alí), and a portion of it is quoted in by the Báb in Dalá’il Sab‘ih (Bábíyyih Publication, p. 58). Mírzá Yahyá and his followers erroneously have taken this term as a reference to Mírzá Yahyá. It should be noted that the Báb only called him “Thamaratu’l-Azalíyya” and “‘Ismu’l-Azal” (see Mírzá Yahyá, Mustayqiz, pp. 391f.). However, the Báb did employ the title Suhb Azal in reference to various other leading Bábís and in the Kitáb Panj Sha’n, He employes this term to signify the recipient of divine inspiration.

Muḥammad Khán, being a Bahá’í, did not hesitate to curse Subh Azal who had caused Bahá’u’lláh much harm, and playing on Persian words, he saved himself. Zuhr is noontime, and shám refers to night.

This manner of speech caused everyone to laugh extensively. Muḥammad Khán was surrendered to the Navváb, and together they left the Governor’s Ark.

On regaining his freedom, [Hájí Muḥammad Khán] came directly to our house where my father gave him one of his own suits and a pair of shoes, together with five tumáns cash and a backpack filled with bread, meat, tea, sugar, tobacco, and other necessities for the journey. My father further instructed his own attendant, Áqá Muḥammad-‘Alí Káshání, who was one of the believers, to accompany him [Hájí Muḥammad Khán] on this journey [and to protect him on the way]. Five hours into the night, both men left for Zarqan and Ábádih. In this manner he was saved from the torment of prison.

The unpublished narrative of Qábil Ábádí’í, p. 13, confirms the same outline and states that after Shíráz, Muḥammad Khán proceeded to Isfahán and there met the King of the Martyrs, and through him, sent a supplication to Bahá’u’lláh requesting permission to visit the Holy Land and to remain there. His wish was granted, and, thereupon, he returned to Balúchistan, settled his affairs, secured the financial well-being of his wife and kinsmen, and then proceeded to the Holy Land and spent the rest of his life in that region.

The Release of Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan

The wife of Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan was a religious and pious woman and in every manner was a support to her husband. She was also related to Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum‘ih, and as such, [my father] the Afnán consented that her kinsmen petition the Imám-Jum‘ih for his intervention. Afterwards, the ladies of the household approached the Shaykh with this request, and he agreed to seek the husband’s freedom on the condition that he would quit Shíráz for a while. The ladies accepted.

Parenthetically, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh notes: The father of Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán and Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán [Dihqán].

Parenthetically, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh notes: Mention of the late Shaykh Abú-Turáb, the Imám-Jum‘ih, was made in the earlier pages while describing the fatwá of the ‘ulamá for the martyrdom of His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb] and his refusal to sign this fatwá. He was a most virtuous and upright man.

Subsequently, the Shaykh met with the Hisámu’s-Saltanih and eventually persuaded the latter to release the Hájí with no further interrogations or troubles. On being released, the honored Hájí took his two esteemed sons and without a steed departed from the city in the direction of Sarvistan and Maharlu. He related to me:

Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán was older and stronger, while Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán was younger and more delicate. I placed the latter on my shoulders and let his brother walk alongside me. During the day, we would hide in the mountainsides and in the caves, and at nighttime walked the wilderness. Every time I heard the footsteps of a wild animal or a person, [p. 215] my whole being would tremble with fear, as if I had met the angel of death.

It took me a while to reach Kharamih where, with the utmost difficulty and anguish, we stayed for a few months. When the winter season arrived, I realized that tarrying in such a village with two small children and no provisions was not possible. I consulted the Good Book about staying, it came out negative; consulted about returning to Shíráz, it was affirmative. Placing my reliance in God, I therefore returned to the city.

See Fasá’í, Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 1, pp. 297, 321, and vol. 2, p. 1455.

A Humanist, Secular Bible.

In Shíráz, all the tumults of the past had subsided, and only the same few wronged souls [i.e., Bahá’ís] were still in prison. For two or three months, I stayed home in isolation, but then I realized that I could not just remain in hiding. Little by little, I came out and gradually began to frequent the streets or shops inconspicuously so that people would once more become accustomed to seeing me. I would often go to the home of Imám-Jum‘ih Shaykh Abú-Turáb, and he would publicly speak of my faith, uprightness, and the excellence of my character.

At the time, he was residing in the House of the Báb.

Finally, I decided to open a haberdasher shop at the Bazaar Hájí—one of the bazaars of Shíráz. However, every storeowner I approached to lease a place refused me, and it was only Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán who, without rent, gave me a small store that he owned at the entrance of the Bazaar. Now that I had a shop, I did not have the capital for merchandise. Once more, I went to the honored Afnán and apprised him of my situation. Without a word, thought, or hesitation, he went inside the house and came out with one hundred tumáns cash as a loan. I raised my voice in gratitude to God.

To the present day, this shop remains part of the estate of the descendants of Núri’d-Dín (Abú’l-Qásim Afnán, private communications, August 1995).

Starting the following day, placing all my reliance in the Almighty Lord, I opened my shop and began selling some trifling items. The divine confirmations poured forth, and soon I was successful. However, the other shopkeepers continued to cause many disturbances.

Fate of the Other Prisoners

Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán Sarvistání was previously the Kalántar of Sarvistan, one of districts under the jurisdiction of the Qavámu’l-Mulk. Through the intercession of the latter, he was eventually freed and sent home to Sarvistan.

Mírzá Báqir was imprisoned for four months. Afterwards, he was brought out, extensively and severely beaten with sticks, and then released. He departed for Kirmán and there, because of his devotion and zeal [in the Cause of God], through the machinations of Hájí Muḥammad-Karím Khán, the Athym, he was arrested and eventually martyred. No doubt, the details will be written in the history of the Cause in Kirmán.

Lit., the Sinner, a self-adopted title of Hájí Muḥammad-Karím Khán. Bahá’u’lláh confirms that the Qur’án prophesied him through this title.

A brief summary appears in Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, pp. 144–45.

The remaining three believers, namely, Mírzá Áqá Rikáb-Sáz, Mashhadí Nabí, and Mashhadí Muḥammad-Ja‘far [Khayyát], however, continued to languish in confinement. Noting that through various means the other prisoners had been released greatly fueled the enmity and hatred of Shaykh Ḥusayn Zálim. Therefore, he went before the Hisámu’s-Saltanih, raucously raising the cry, “Our religion and faith is lost!” and spoke vehemently [in demand of severe disposition of the three imprisoned believers]. The Prince was induced to concur with his view and summoned the three men before him. No matter how they tried to force the three to recant their faith, they remained steadfast in their convictions, nay, would grow stronger in their constancy. The Qájár Prince was most bewildered. Immediately at that session, Shaykh Zálim wrote and issued a fatwá for their martyrdom, handing it to the Qájár offspring. That very night, the three believers were strangled with ropes in their prison cells.

Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 860–61, states that two years earlier, in AH 1286 [1869], he had walked to ‘Akká in the hope of attaining the presence of Bahá’u’lláh. In the company of a group of pilgrims, he reached his destination, but instructions were received from Bahá’u’lláh that, on account of certain difficulties, the visitors should not come within the citadel. Mashhadí Nabí immediately returned to Iran.

Fatwá: A fatwá in the Islamic faith is a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that the Sheikhul Islam, a qualified jurist or mufti, can give on issues pertaining to the Islamic law

The following morning, their wives and families were informed of their martyrdom and allowed to come and claim the bodies. After the ritual ablutions, the three martyrs were buried in Daru’l-Salam, which is one the famous cemeteries of Shíráz.

A detailed description of this episode is given in Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 858–61; see also Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, p. 200.

Subsequent to these martyrdoms, the rabble continued to perpetrate untold atrocities. [p. 220] They would compose unseemly verses, and in the streets and the bazaar chant such songs. On the fortieth day of the martyrdom of those devotees of the Beloved’s Visage, all the rogue and lewd characters gathered, perpetrating every manner of insolence, brutality, and viciousness. Raising bags filled with diverse filth, refuse, sheep-skins, and dogs over their heads, they marched for four or five hours through the city, streets, and bazaars while singing and chanting slogans, and thence proceeding to the cemetery where they threw their heinous load on the graves of those fallen victims and committed yet other wicked and reprehensible acts. Truly, pen and tongue are ashamed of mentioning their deeds. Now that some fifty years have passed since those days, on meeting one of the believers, the Shírází children still chant those contemptible verses.

One of the internal evidences that suggest this narrative was composed in early 1920s.

It was shortly after these events that the Hisámu’s-Saltinih was dismissed from office and departed from Fárs. With his departure from the scene, much of the persecution against the Faith abated.

Subsequent to these occurrences, the wife [of Rikáb-Sáz] was overcome with regret and remorse, but of what use! Those wronged-ones had already won their glorious station, leaving behind this troubled plane for the exalted paradise, the Abhá Kingdom and the everlasting bliss, hearkening to the Tongue of Grandeur, “Blessed are they and happy is their end.” Because of their deeds, history will forever recall their bravery and signal achievement.

The wife [of Rikáb-Sáz] arranged for a large gravestone with his illustrious name and dates engraved upon it, and this was placed over his resting spot. However, the vagabonds learned of this and demolished the stone and the gravesite. Until her very last hour, she was filled with regret over her deeds and would lament bitterly. The One Compassionate God is the forgiver of the sins.

A moving summary of the martyrdom of these three believers is given in Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, pp. 134–36, where its occurrence is dated AH 1288 [1871].

Chapter 9 The Passing of Khadíjih Bagum

[p. 222:9] During this period, various teachers of God’s Cause and diffusers of the Divine Word arrived in Fárs in service to the Faith, thereby renewing the spiritual life of many souls. Amid such teachers coming to Shíráz was Áqá Mullá Muḥammad Qá’iní, [surnamed] Nabíl Akbar, who ranked among the foremost promoters of the Cause. His stay in Fárs lasted some thirteen months and produced many benefits for the province and nearby territories, resulting in the edification of a number of individuals.

Munírih Khánum’s Sojourn in Shíráz

During Shávvál of AH 1288 [December 1871], Munírih Khánum, who was traveling to the Holy Land for the purpose of her marriage to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, arrived in Shíráz from Isfahán. [Prior to her arrival,] a letter addressed to Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán was sent from Isfahán by Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ḥasan, the Sultánu’sh-Shuhadá [the King of Martyrs], indicating that in accordance with Bahá’u’lláh’s instructions, Munírih Khánum, an accomplished daughter of Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Nahriy, together with her brother, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, were to proceed to the Holy Land and en route would arrive [in Shíráz] and that a residence was to be designated for their stay.

Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 231, attributes the letter to the Mahbúbu’sh-Shuhadá [the Beloved of Martyrs].

After considering the contents of this letter from Isfahán, the Afnán consulted with Khadíjih Bagum and because of its proximity to her own residence, she proposed the house of the Khál [Akbar], Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, as the residence for the coming guests. At that time, Khadíjih Bagum lived in the house of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, the Khál [A‘zam], with her maternal sister [Hájíyyih Bíbí Ján-Ján], who was the widow of the martyred-uncle, and the homes of the two uncles were adjacent to one another, connected by a common wall. Therefore, this house was designated for Munírih Khánum’s stay.

[p. 225] Munírih Khánum and her brother, Áqá Siyyid Yahyá, arrived in the month of Dhi’l-Qa‘dih [January 1872]. During their sojourn, she was a constant companion and consort of Khadíjih Bagum, and wherever they visited were in each other’s company. For a few nights, she also tarried at the residence of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán. After a stay of 15 days in Shíráz, Munírih Khánum departed for Búshihr and eventually the Holy Land.

See Balyúzí, Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, pp. 344–47.

While she was in Shíráz, one day during the course of their conversations, Khadíjih Bagum stated, “Having been in the hands of diverse individuals, the Blessed House of the Báb has suffered extensively and stands in ruin. I wish for it to be renovated so that I could take my residence there. When you have attained the sacred presence [of Bahá’u’lláh], kindly implore Him that the request of this forsaken one be graced with the favor of acceptance so that I would be able to take my residence there for the protection of the House.” [Munírih Khánum] had written down her supplication and presented it to Bahá’u’lláh, Who graciously commanded Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán to renovate the House in whatever manner Khadíjih Bagum desired and for her residence to be transferred there afterwards.

Renovation of the House of the Báb

Subsequent to issuance of His blessed instruction, the Afnán commenced the repair work. He designated one of the believers Ustád ‘Abdu’r-Razzáq [a mason of Shíráz] as the construction supervisor and the laborers’ overseer, himself visiting the site two or three times daily. In the course of this renovation, major architectural modifications were introduced, and the design and configuration of the entire House were changed from the original layout.

This work was completed after several months. While the reconstruction was taking place, a small house adjacent on the eastern flank that belonged to a Jewish man who had recently converted to Islam was purchased at the owner’s insistence, renovated, and made part of the Blessed House of the Báb.

After completion of the renovation, Khadíjih Bagum took up residence in the Blessed House in AH 1290 [1873]. Once more the friends began to come on pilgrimage to that sacred spot and to visit that exalted leaf.

Certain sinister men reported this development to Farhád Mírzá, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Dawlih. That is, one day, several of the mischief-makers called on the Mu‘tamidu’d-Dawlih and informed him about the Blessed House. The gist of their comments was, “The House of the Siyyid-i Báb is now renovated and occupied by some of His kinsmen, and visitors from here and there frequent the House.” Mírzá Abú’l-Ḥasan Khán Munshí-Báshí and Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán ‘Alí-Ábádí, who ranked among the most pious of men and devoted Bahá’ís, were in attendance in that meeting and heard the matter [reported to the governor].

Four hours into the night, these two believers came to the residence of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán and informed him of what had transpired in the meeting with the Prince, adding their recommendation, “It would be best if for some time the Holy Mother [i.e., Khadíjih Bagum] did not reside in the House, allowing such talk to subside.”

The original is “Bí bí,” a term of endearment for the older ladies of the house.

The following morning, the Afnán gained the presence of Khadíjih Bagum and informed her of the details, as conveyed by the Munshí-Báshí and Áqá Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín Khán, suggesting that it would be better if for several months she did not live there. At first, she had sobbed bitterly; but eventually she consented to move her residence, not to the house that she previously lived in, but to the home of her nephew, Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán. That very day, together with her maidservant, Fiddih, she transferred her residence to the home of my late father and lived there for five and a half months.

When various machinations were alleviated, Khadíjih Bagum returned to the House of the Báb, but [p. 230] lived there with the utmost wisdom. She never used the main entrance of the House, and all the comings and goings were through the entrance of the newly acquired house.

It seems that Khadíjih Bagum’s residence in the House of the Báb continued to agitate the neighborhood. In a Tablet dated 19 Safar AH 1295 [22 February 1878] Bahá’u’lláh instructs Núri’d-Dín in Shíráz (NC 16):
If at this time residence in the True House by the blessed wife, upon her rest all My Glory and My Exaltation, provokes commotion among Our servants and causes uproar and tyranny, then dwelling in that location is not permitted….Under all conditions, wisdom must be observed. If in these days, habitation in the House by the wife [Khadíjih Bagum] or the Afnán is against wisdom and prudence, then its doors must be closed and none be allowed to dwell therein.

Dahají in Shíráz

During this period, Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar Dahají arrived in Shíráz and commenced teaching and proclaiming the Cause. In accordance with the instructions of the Blessed Perfection, he was also engaged in transcribing a protection prayer revealed by the Exalted Pen of the Primal Point. Copies were made for each of the friends for a contribution of an Ashrafí. My father acquired a copy for each one of us, and the copies are currently available.

A gold coin.

Departure of the Afnán from Shíráz

The news of the martyrdom of Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ḥusayn, the Mahbúbu’sh-Shuhadá, and Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ḥasan, the Sultánu’sh-Shuhadá, in Isfahán in AH 1296 [1879], soon reached Shíráz. At that time, Farhád Mírzá, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Dawlih, was the governor-general, and this Qájár Prince was extremely antagonistic [towards the Cause]. There was great commotion in Shíráz, and merchants and shopkeepers in the customs, the commercial offices, and the bazaar spoke ceaselessly of the events of Isfahán. The elders [of the community] were particularly apprehensive, since it was only recently that the episode of the Three Martyrs had occurred in Shíráz.

The elders were enveloped in fear. Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, Áqá Siyyid Muḥammad-Ḥusayn, Áqá Mírzá Abú’l-Ḥasan, Áqá Shaykh ‘Alí Mírzá, and a number of other friends gathered and consulted on the situation. They concluded that Áqá Mírzá Áqá [Núri’d-Dín] was most renowned [as a Bahá’í], and should atrocities be plotted against the community, they would of a certainty be directed at him. They said, “None of us are known [as Bahá’ís] among the people. From the very beginning, because of his devotion, zeal, and associations, Áqá Mírzá Áqá is known [as a Bahá’í,] and should troubles now be directed against him, others would suffer as well.” Each of them spoke in similar manner, until they unanimously resolved that it was best for Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán not to remain in Shíráz and through Búshihr to depart forthwith for Bombay.

Afterwards, in its entirety, this consultative body came to the residence of the Afnán and informed him of their decision that in light of the turmoil, upheavals, and chaos in Shíráz and all the talk current among the people, it was more prudent for him to arrange his affairs and depart immediately for Búshihr. Though Áqá Mírzá Áqá had offered many arguments, the elders did not accept them so that, on account of their insistence and within twenty-four hours, he left for Búshihr with his personal attendant, and then for Bombay [India].

Private correspondence between the two martyred brothers in Isfahán, namely, the King of Martyrs and the Beloved of Martyrs, indicates that they were business partners with Núri’d-Dín. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that part of the concern for the latter stemmed from the fear that the enemies of the fallen brothers in Isfahán would try to extend their hostilities to all their business partners, including Núri’d-Dín.

About a year later, in a Tablet dated 14 Rabí‘u’th-Thání AH 1297 [26 March 1880], Bahá’u’lláh instructed Núri’d-Dín to commence business and commerce: “In accordance with the divine decree, that illustrious personage must become engaged in trade, and assuredly means for such an occupation will be made ready” (Núri’d-Dín Collection, p. 22).

With his departure, inactivity and dormancy fell for a while upon the province of Fárs. [Bahá’í] meetings were infrequent, and the friends would rarely gather. Even such devoted believers as Áqá Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh Fádil, [surnamed] Rafí‘-Badí‘, Áqá Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Karím, and some others would comment, “With the departure of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, the light of Fárs has become eclipsed. We did not appreciate all his merits. The worth of each thing becomes apparent in its absence.”

For a while it went thus, until once again the Exalted and Glorious God sent forth such devoted personages as Hájí Mírzá Ghulám-Ḥusayn, Áqá Mírzá Siyyid ‘Alí, and Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán. Through these sacred and enkindled figures, and their zeal and energy, life was renewed in Fárs, and all were rejuvenated. It was during this time that the divinely learned and spiritually awakened Hájí Mírzá Haydar-‘Alí arrived in Shíráz [p. 235], and the friends commenced holding many gathering to benefit from his wondrous presence, and a new fervor and spirit was breathed into all.

The Final Years of Khadíjih Bagum, Her Illness and Passing

After the departure of the Báb from Shíráz and the subsequent news of the martyrdom of His Holiness, His mother together with her own mother, in the company of her brother, Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Muḥammad, left for the ‘Atabát where she remained the rest of her days. During this time, Khadíjih Bagum was alone in Shíráz, consumed by her inner agitation over the fate of her exalted Husband. Day and night she burnt like a candle, her sorrow and despondency knowing no end and her anguish being bottomless. With each fleeting day, she grew increasingly afflicted, depressed, and ill.

The Blessed Beauty’s residence at the Abode of Peace [Baghdad] and the arrival of His many Tablets, however, instilled an everlasting spirit and eternal life into her. Once more, as result of Bahá’u’lláh’s infinite loving-kindness, she was filled with zeal and strength and decided to journey to His blessed presence. Out of concern for his sister, Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim<11> prevented her from this journey though. She, however, continued longing and hoping that means would be arranged for her to attain the bounty of presence. Not long thereafter, news was received that the Blessed Beauty had been further exiled, first to Istanbul and then Edirnih, and as such her hopes for visiting Him and beholding His Countenance were thoroughly shattered. Her sole consolation was now the Tablets that bore the loving expressions of her kind Lord.

Several of Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets to Khadíjih Bagum are included in INBMC 51:252–62, nos. 258–66.

In the year AH 1298 [1881], Siyyid ‘Alí came from Yazd to Shíráz and attained the presence of Khadíjih Bagum. He stayed for several months and often, day and night, would come visit Khadíjih Bagum. In the course of his conversations, he expressed his desire to visit the Holy Land and implored her to intercede on his behalf so that one of the exalted leaves [of Bahá’u’lláh] would join him in matrimony. In response, Khadíjih Bagum stated, “I will make this request, and of a certainty my supplication will find acceptance in His sacred presence. However, you must promise that when the appointed time has arrived, you will come from Yazd to Shíráz and take me with you to the Holy Land.” Siyyid ‘Alí placed both hands on his eyes, stating, “As a humble servant, I am at your service.” Assured of his solemn promise, she penned a supplication requesting and imploring marriage [between Siyyid ‘Alí and one of Bahá’u’lláh’s daughters] and sent the envelope to Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán in Bombay. In turn, my father forwarded her missive along with his own supplication to the Holy Land.

In the original manuscript, often Siyyid ‘Alí’s name follows a blank space, suggesting a descriptive phrase associated with his mention has been erased by later hands.

In his Memories, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh notes that in this request; ‘Abdu’l-Bahá was also instrumental in petitioning Bahá’u’lláh to consent to this marriage.

Meanwhile, Siyyid ‘Alí returned to Yazd awaiting the news from the Holy Land. When the missive [from Khadíjih Bagum] was presented into the sanctified presence of Bahá’u’lláh, her request was favored with approval. When this glad tiding from the Holy Land was received, Khadíjih Bagum conveyed it to Yazd, adding:

Praise be to God that the request of this desolate one was graced with approval. Now I have nothing further to do in Shíráz and have made the necessary preparations for the journey awaiting your arrival. Of a certainty, you must leave at once and come to Shíráz so that we can journey together.

Day and night, she was beaming with joy and exhilaration. When the friends would attain her presence, the sole subject of her discourse was her forthcoming journey. She had seen [p. 240] to all the necessary arrangements expecting the arrival of a letter from Yazd and the news of the family members coming to Shíráz. Indeed she was counting every fleeting hour. With the delivery of every post, she would quickly dispatch her servant to check to see if a communication had been received from Yazd.

Meanwhile, Siyyid ‘Alí, his parents, brothers, and sister departed from Yazd and through ‘Ishqábád and Istanbul proceeded [to the Holy Land]. He wrote her:

Since we were traveling as a group, wisdom dictated that we do not journey through Shíráz. Therefore, we voyaged by way of ‘Ishqábád. After attaining His sacred presence and fulfilling my objective, I will return to Shíráz and accompany you to the Holy Land.

On seeing this letter from Yazd and beholding its message—which was indeed the angel of death, slaying the spirit of that devotee of the Beloved—Khadíjih Bagum cried out loud and sobbed and moaned bitterly, speaking expressions of disappointment and distress. For some two hours she cried and lamented unceasingly. That very day, she contracted a fever, which made her bedridden for five and a half months and eventually led to her passing on 2 Dhi’l-Ḥájíih AH 1299 [15 October 1882], when that leaf of paradise ascended from this world of dust, and her triumphant spirit soared to the Supreme Concourse and Abhá Paradise, relieved of its separation and rejoicing in everlasting union.

See appendix 6 for Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablet regarding the final letter of Khadíjih Bagum to Him.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh added marginally, “I have the letter of the late Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim providing this date.”

Burial of Khadíjih Bagum

It was five hours into the night that her remains were conducted out of the Blessed House and after ritual washing and shrouding, her earthly remains were interred.... In honor of that ever-present spirit, the Blessed Perfection revealed a Visitation Tablet that tells of her condition. Only one verse of that Tablet of Visitation will be cited at this point to illustrate the depth of her yearning and despondency: “We testify that in thee two signs were conjoined and evident: the verse of reunion gave thee life, whereas the verse of separation caused thee to expire.”

Washing of the dead and shrouding took place at Hammam Khayrí, otherwise known as Guldastih (Abú’l-Qásim Afnán, private communications, August 1995).

On 10 November 1882, Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, the brother-in-law of the Báb, wrote to Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín about the passing of his sister, Khadíjih Bagum. In this letter, he asked Núri’d-Dín to inform Bahá’u’lláh of the passing of Khadíjih Bagum as result of her profound disappointment in not being able to visit Him. Núri’d-Dín wrote as bidden, and in response to his missive he received a Tablet from Bahá’u’lláh, which contained a Tablet of Visitation revealed in honor of Khadíjih Bagum. A facsimile of this Text in the hand of Mírzá Áqá Ján appears after page 186 in Fayzí, Khándán Afnán and can also be found in the Núri’d-Dín Collection, pp. 74–82, dated 14 Safar AH 1300 [25 December 1882]. A slight variation of the same Tablet appears in Bahá’u’lláh, Áthár Qalam A‘lá (Traces of the Supreme Pen), vol. 4, pp. 201–4, 125 BE, and in the same volume, 133 BE publication, pp. 339–41. Moreover, a version is included in Ishráq-Khávarí’s Ayyám Tis‘ih, pp. 29–31. However, the latter source does not include the paragraph beginning with “O fruit of My Tree!” but instead has concluded the Text with the following verse: “Bless Thou, O Lord my God, the Divine Lote-Tree and its leaves, and its boughs, and its branches, and its stems, and its offshoots, as long as Thy most excellent titles will endure and thy most august attributes will last. Protect it, then, from the mischief of the aggressor and the host of tyranny. Thou art, in truth, the Almighty, the Most powerful.” This verse, of course, appears in the closing paragraph of the Tablet of Visitation for the Twin Manifestations as assembled by Nabíl A‘zam. Nabíl’s source for this last section is not currently known, nor does this section appear in the facsimile copy.

The period of residence of Khadíjih Bagum in the Blessed House was nine years prior to her ascension. The text of her Visitation Tablet will be quoted in its entirety for the reader to gain insight into the exalted station of faith and certitude that she attained:

In the Name of our Lord, the Ancient, the Comforter, the Consoler, the Exalted, the Most High.

Truly My Pen groans, and My Tablet weeps inasmuch as the lamentations of the faithful ones have ascended, and the tears of the denizens of the Supreme Paradise pour down. Methinks happiness hath closed its gates, the very limbs of joy have trembled, the heavens are shut out from their downpour, the sun of cheerfulness hath been eclipsed, the stars have ceased to give their light, the breezes of tranquility have ceased to blow, and the garden is henceforth bereft of breezes. The edifices of love have had their lights extinguished, and the sacred earth hath ceased to yield forth shoots, the seas have stilled their waves, the birds their warbling and their song, the rivers stayed their rippling running waters, and the heaven of exposition its disclosures and its utterances. While in this condition I set down the mention of this great calamity that has transpired in the kingdom of creation, behold, I heard a voice calling out:

O servant in attendance! What is it that hath made you so sorrowful and taken from your hands the reins of choice? Hath the world been darkened before all its peoples? Have the trees become uprooted? Have the foundations trembled, and doth the edifice itself shake? Have the mountains crumbled into dust? Have all the banners been subverted? Have the standards been torn down? Did the leaves fall? Did the twigs [the Afnáns] plunge into sorrow? Have all the hosts become defeated, and did all the boats shipwreck? Did the Mirror of Knowledge fail in its reflection? Hath the Hand of mercy abandoned all creation? Did the Pen stay its motion? Hath utterance itself been muted and lost its ornaments? Did the outpouring stop? Did the Builder come to regret having first built? Hath the Divine Spread been rolled up? Wherefore do I behold you immersed in an ocean of sorrow?

[p. 245] Now thy sad lamentations rise, and again thy tears descend. Where is the canopy of glory? Where the Tabernacle of happiness? Where the Tent of joy, the shelter of cheerfulness? Where is thy smiling face? Where the ornament of thy name, the servant? Where are thy determination and thy strength in transcribing that which the All-Merciful hath revealed for all existence? It is as if I beheld before me thy face become sallow, thy frame wasting, thy strength melting. I beseech the One Who aided thee and Who made thee cognizant and adorned thee with the ornament of acceptance and made thee stand before His countenance, and Who made thee hearken unto His melodies and His utterances, and caused to appear from thee that through which the breezes of life were wafted, that thou disclose the matter.

I made reply: Doest thou not know what hath come to pass by virtue of the decree of our Lord, the King of Kings? I was bedecked in happiness as I was hearkening unto the Speaker of Sinai. Methinks I was pacing the meadows of joy and soaring in the atmosphere of felicity, and thus did I enter the presence of God, the One True King. Upon entering His presence, the Supreme Horizon, the Sublime Spot, I beheld the signs of sadness in the Face of our Lord the Most Glorious. Then did the Countenance of the Creator of the heavens turn to me and declare, exalted be His station:

Didst thou not hear, O servant of God that which the irrevocable decree hath ordained? The Most Sublime Fruit hath fallen from the Divine Lote-Tree. She was indeed the Remnant of the Beloved of the World in the Kingdom of His creation.

I swear by God, My Aim and the Aim of all things, when I saw the sorrow of the King of eternity I was overtaken by such a state that my spirit well nigh left me. Were it not for His protection and providence, I would have passed into the realm of non-existence. Then the Countenance of God turned unto me and said:

O servant of God! The calamities of the People of Bahá are renewed as set down by the Supreme Pen, inasmuch as the established decree has come to pass on the Greatest Holy Leaf. Verily, she is indeed that Fruit at the mention of whose name the fragrance of Her Beloved is wafted, He through Whose Name the heavens are uplifted and by Whom the heavens are adorned with the Sun, Its effulgence, and Its rays. Verily, her name in its essence as well as outwardly calls to the remembrance of the people the Days of Her Beloved and the Beloved of all things. She is indeed the leaf that clung unto the Lote-Tree beyond which there is no passing. She attained the meeting with the Lord of mankind. She precedes the entire world in this except such as God hath willed, the Lord of the Throne above and of earth below.

Upon hearing this, sorrow overwhelmed me. My heart melted, my skin crept in grief, my limbs trembled, and my lamentations and wailings rose high until I returned to my abode and dwelling. I found it to be the house of sorrows, and I became occupied in transcribing that which the All-Merciful God hath revealed. After a few minutes passed, I was once more present before His Countenance by virtue of His sovereign command over all things. Then the Point of adoration of all existence seen and unseen turned to me and declared, exalted be His majesty, and sublime are His words:

Bring thou pen and ink that I may make mention of the remnant of the Primal Point, she who sacrificed herself with love and devotion so that my loved ones from lands and cities may visit her and recite in her memory these words.

These are His words, exalted and sanctified be He!
He is the Consoler, the Sorrowful!

O Pen! In truth a most mighty calamity and a great tragedy hath befallen Thee, by reason of which the Supreme Concourse and the denizens of the All Highest Realm are wailing. On this account sorrows have become so great that they have touched the hem of the All-Merciful.

Blessed is he who hath determined to visit her in her life and after her ascension, and great is the blessedness of that handmaiden who hath sought her resting place and through her sought nearness unto God.

The glory that shines from My Luminous Countenance and the light that is manifest from the heaven of My Name, the All-Glorious, rest upon thee, O thou who art the fruit of the Sadratu’l-Muntahá, and the Holy Luminous Leaf upon that Tree, and the consort of the One through Whose Appearance the Kingdom of eternity, and all created things, were wreathed in smiles. We testify that thou art the first leaf to have attained the chalice of reunion in the Day of the Covenant and the last fruit to surrender her soul in separation. Thou art the one whose heart melted, whose mind burnt, and whose limbs were dismembered by virtue of thy remoteness from that Station which God hath made the Dawning Place of His Verses, the Dayspring of His clear testimonies, the Manifestation of His Names, the Source of His Commandments, and the Seat of His Throne.

[p. 250] O thou who art My leaf and the sweet fragrance of the garden of My good pleasure! Thou art with the Supreme Companion, and the Wronged One makes mention of thee in His Prison in ‘Akká. Thou art the one who recognized the sweet savors of the raiment of the All-Merciful before the world came into being. Thou didst arrive before His Presence, and didst attain reunion with Him, and didst drink of the wine of certitude from the hands of His bounty.

We testify that in thee two signs were conjoined and evident: the verse of reunion gave thee life, whereas the verse of separation caused thee to expire. How many the nights in which thy cries and wailings were lifted up in the love of God and thy tears were shed in the mention of His Name, the All-Glorious! Verily, He was with thee and would observe thy enkindlement, thy attraction, thy zeal and fervor, and would hear the lamentation of thy heart and the wailing of thy soul. O thou the fruit of My tree! Because of thy calamity, a sea of grief was set in motion, and the breezes of forgiveness wafted.

I bear witness that on the night thou didst ascend to the Abhá Horizon and to the Sublime Companion, and on the day that followed, God hath forgiven every man or woman who passed away, as a token of honor unto thee and as a bounty for thee, except them that denied God and that which God revealed openly. Thus does God vouchsafe unto thee this supreme grace, this foreordained, this most ancient station. Great is the blessedness of them that visit thee, that seek thy nearness, that circle round thee, and great the blessedness of them that through thee have besought God in the past and will do so in the future.

Thou art that one on account of whose calamity the maidens of paradise wept and the leaves of the Tree of Revelation were seared yellow. Thou art she who, upon hearing the call from the Tongue of the Sovereign of the Kingdom of Names, didst accept Him, and this attraction enkindled thee to such an extent that all control well nigh escaped thy hands.

O thou My leaf! O thou who hast flown in the atmosphere of My love! O thou who hast turned unto My Countenance, who hast spoken forth My praise! We have revealed for thee a remembrance whose traces will not be erased by the passing of the centuries and the rolling of the ages. We have immortalized thy memory through Our supreme Pen in the Crimson Tablet, whose content none knoweth except God, the Creator of all things. We have, moreover, made mention of thee in this Tablet in such wise that the near ones may remember thee and the believers in the divine unity may turn toward thy resting place.

Blessed art thou. All happiness be thine, and all happiness be his, who comes before thy grave and recites that which the All-Bountiful hath revealed in this day of the Return.

Provisional rendering by Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir in collaboration with Ismael Velasco.

The Custodianship of the House of the Báb

In accordance with the Blessed Perfection’s instructions, subsequent to the passing of Khadíjih Bagum, her sister took up residence in the Blessed House of the Báb. That is, Bahá’u’lláh was asked about the protection and maintenance of the Blessed House, and in a Tablet addressed to Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán it was revealed:

The custodianship of the House hath been granted to the exalted leaf, the mother of that illustrious personage [Núri’d-Dín].

Thus spoke the Tongue of Grandeur at this moment: O My Afnán! My glory and My favor rest upon thee. The exalted noblewoman, mother of thy honored self, is worthy of residence in that House. Custodianship of the House hath therefore been granted and bestowed upon her, and after her, to her progeny, as they are the remembrance of God and of her throughout centuries and ages.

Tablet dated 26 Jamádiyu’l-Avval AH 1303 [2 March 1886] in Núri’d-Dín Collection, pp. 114–15, and Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 526. The remainder of the Text states: “In truth, the benefaction of the All-Glorious God is so encompassing that this ephemeral One is truly incapable of recounting it. The Tongue of Grandeur enjoins that the Mighty House of the Báb be restored and repaired in accordance with what hath been instructed previously. All are obliged to respect and honor that Sacred Edifice.”

Consonant with Bahá’u’lláh’s hallowed instruction, the illustrious sister [of Khadíjih Bagum], that is, the mother of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, took up residence in the Blessed House and became the custodian and protector of that Sacred Edifice. In the year AH 1302 [1884], instructions were issued from the heaven of Bahá’u’lláh’s Grace and Mercy, and fixed by His seal, for the custodianship of the Blessed House of the Báb to be entrusted to the sister [Zahrá Bagum] and her descendants. The original of this command, together with other Tablets revealed from the Pen of the Center of Covenant about the custodianship of the Blessed House, is now in the files of the custodians of that Threshold.

See appendix 6, under the entry for Khadíjih Bagum.

Chapter 10 Events of 1880s

[p. 254:4] During this period, the promoter of the Cause of God, Hájí Mírzá Haydar-‘Alí Isfahání arrived in Shíráz. He stayed for a few months and traveled to various towns in Fárs, including Nayríz, Sarvistán, and Ábádih, and engaged in planting the seeds of faith. He succeeded in offering great services and awakening a large number of individuals [to the Cause].

For a biography see, Abú’l-Qásim Fayzí, Stories from the Delights of Heart; Hájí Mírzá Haydar-‘Alí, Bihjatu’s-Sudúr; and Sulaymání, Masábíh Hidáyat, volume 1.

Imprisonment of Four Bahá’ís from Sarvistán

In the year AH 1300 [1882], during the governorship of Sultán Ḥusayn Mírzá, the Jalálu’d-Dawlih, and deputyship of Mírzá Fath-‘Alí Khán, the Sáhib-Díván, a disturbance took place in Sarvistán between the friends and nonbelievers [p. 255] that escalated into a serious contention. As such, a report was sent to Shíráz, and the governor-general commissioned ‘Alí Khán to proceed to Sarvistán, thoroughly investigate the matter, and report to him.

After the arrival of ‘Alí Khán, non-Bahá’ís gathered around him and recounted many absurdities. Since ‘Alí Khán was a mischievous person, he connived with them and sent a report to Shíráz to their liking. This precipitated an instruction by the authorities that the suspected persons [i.e., Bahá’ís] were to be [arrested and] sent to Shíráz. ‘Alí Khán chained the following [four Bahá’ís] and sent them from Sarvistán to Shíráz: Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán; Karbalá’í [Muḥammad-] Sádiq; Mashhadí Sulaymán; and Ghulám-‘Alí Khán, grandson of Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán.

Upon their arrival, they were presented at the governor’s garden to the Sáhib-Díván, who after interrogation commanded their beating. The farráshes assembled the bastinado and applied it severely to Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán. After him, Karbalá’í Sádiq was battered extensively, and he was followed by Mashhadí Sulaymán. When it was Ghulám-‘Alí’s turn to sustain the blows of the bastinado, that brave soul spoke critically of the authorities, “We have done no wrong. Your purpose is to harm innocent people. ‘Alí Khán has falsely reported.” Each prisoner was stricken [by bastinado] for an hour. Afterwards, they were ordered chained and fettered in a dungeon along with thieves and highway bandits. For some time, they remained thus constrained.

The second son of Hájí Mírzá ‘Alí-Akbar, the Qavámu’l-Mulk I, and a son-in-law of Fath-‘Alí Sháh. He carried the title of Sáhib-Díván, which during the early years of the Qájár Dynasty referred to the minister for the Treasury at the province level, but later became a ceremonial title.

Farrásh: Literally a carpet-spreader; attendant and footman

Punishment or torture that involved caning the soles of someone's feet.

Being young, fearless, and filled with fervor and enthusiasm when he had converted, Ghulám-‘Alí Khán, out of devotion, valor, and bravery, had tattooed on his right arm, “The Visage of Bahá stands manifest,” and on the left arm, “And its effulgence revives me.” This was a sign by which that courageous and peerless young man was known as a Bahá’í.

One day, the Sáhib-Díván summoned Ghulám-‘Alí Khán, and in chains the prisoner was conducted before him. The minister ordered the prisoner’s shirtsleeves rolled up and then asked the captive, “What marks are these on your arms?” With utmost courage and in a thunderous voice, he replied, “This is the Name of my Beloved” and thereupon had proceeded to chant the verse. Bewildered, the Sáhib-Díván asked further, “Are you not afraid to so boldly express your conviction?” “If I was apprehensive of consequences, I would not have engraved these tattoos.” The Sáhib-Díván called in the executioner and ordered him to sever the prisoner’s ears. Afterwards, as a lesson to all, he was paraded in the bazaar and subsequently imprisoned again. For some time, he continued to remain in the Sáhib-Díván’s confinement, along with his honored grandfather, Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán; his mother’s uncle, Karbalá’í Sádiq; and Mashhadí Sulaymán.

After five years, the Sáhib-Díván was dismissed from the governorship of Fárs and left Shíráz. Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [III], implemented these believers’ release from confinement and aided their return to Sarvistán.

A son of ‘Alí-Muḥammad Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk II, he was born in Shíráz in 1851 and in 1871 assumed the offices of Kalántar and Biglar-Baykí of the province. Upon the passing of his father in 1884, he inherited his title and his vast estate. For biography see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 3, pp. 401–3.

A summary of the above incidents appears in Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, pp. 327–29.

Renewed Troubles for the Believers of Sarvistán

In AH 1305 [1887], the central government appointed the Prince Uvays Mírzá, the Ihtishám’d-Dawlih, as the governor-general of Fárs. The Prince was ceremoniously installed in office and assumed the governorship.

For biographical data see Fasá’í, Fársnámih Násirí, vol. 1, pp. 849–56.

During these years, once more, mischief-makers caused disturbance in Sarvistán, resulting in a great clamor [against the Bahá’í Faith]. During those days, Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán and Karbalá’í Sádiq were in Shíráz, and these believers were seized and imprisoned. [p. 260] Ghulám-‘Alí Khán, however, managed to effect his escape for Tihrán. The Prince had ordered his arrest, only to be told that the fugitive had fled for the capital. As such, the governor informed Kamrán Mírzá, the Náybu’s-Saltanih, of the imminent arrival of a Sarvistání Bábí who bore the mark of being a Bahá’í on his arms, and urged surveillance to ensure that he did not cause any troubles while in Tihrán. Ghulám-‘Alí Khán resided in the capital for several years and passed away in that city. He was buried at the Shrine of Sháh ‘Abdu’l-A‘zím.

For a biography see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 3, pp. 149–61.

Muḥammad-Qásim Khán Baydá’yí

Another incident that occurred during AH 1305 [1887] in the course of the governorship of Uvays Mírzá, the Ihtishámu’d-Dawlih, was as follows.

This incident is also recorded in Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, pp. 365–70.

Muḥammad-Qásim Khán Baydá’yí was among the affluent and prosperous landlords of the city. He had accepted the governorship of various important locations in Fárs and for a few years had been the mayor of Bihbahán. In that year [1887] he was removed from office there and came to Shíráz.

One day, the Prince paid him a visit and was received with considerable pomp and ceremony. [Muḥammad-Qásim Khán] had procured a precious golden water-pipe while in Bihbahán, and as means of offering the ultimate compliment to his honored guest, he had his attendants prepare the pipe for the Prince and had it brought in for his enjoyment. The Prince [Ihtishámu’d-Dawlih] had greatly praised his host’s water-pipe, its manufacture, and its crown.

Upon the conclusion of the gathering and his departure, [Muḥammad-] Qásim Khán had placed that water-pipe and some gold coins in a box and sent them after the Prince as a gift to him. This act of generosity greatly impressed the governor, and from then on he always sought an occasion to repay this kindness. It was not long after that the situation of the books, Tablets, and Writings occurred, and that incident is as follows.

By reason of his devotion and affection for the Cause, Muḥammad-Qásim Khán always preferred to employ servants and maidservants who were his confidants and had an affinity [for the Bahá’í Faith]. There was a certain Hájí Murshid and his wife, who both claimed allegiance to the Cause. Because of this, Muḥammad-Qásim Khán and his wife, who was a most devoted and enkindled believer as well, had the greatest confidence and trust in this man and woman, to the point that the complete authority and control of their vault was entrusted to Hájí Murshid’s wife, who knew all the details of their precious possessions. The wife of [Muḥammad-Qásim] Khán was ailing, paralyzed, and bedridden.

One day, the wife of Hájí Murshid, intending to steal some of her mistress’ possessions, went into the vault, opened the box containing some of her clothing, and noticed that there were two smaller boxes within. She picked up both boxes and concealed them in the kitchen. At nighttime, when all the servants and the members of the household had retired for the evening and quiet had enveloped the house, she opened the two boxes. She noticed one box contained ornaments, jewels, and gold articles. The other box, she noted, contained books, papers, and writings. The maidservant hid the box of the jewels in the stove and cast the other box from the kitchen’s chimney into the street. This latter box contained treatises and sacred writings, and also included the copy of a missive to the Holy Land that the entire family numbering forty or fifty men and women had signed.

On her way to mosque early next morning, the daughter [p. 265] of Mírzá Muḥammad-Ridá Mustawfí, who was a very temperamental and acrimonious woman, noticed the box behind the home of Muḥammad-Qásim Khán. Having taken the box home, she noticed that it was filled with Bahá’í writings and materials. She also found the supplication [to the Holy Land] and was thrilled by discovering in such a document the perfect means for causing mischief. After considering the contents, she took the box and its contents to an ostentatiously pedantic mujtahid known as Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar Fál-Asírí, who was regarded as a senseless Siyyid.

Fál and Asír are two neighboring villages near Búshihr, (Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 373, has incorrectly referred to him as Fál-Hasírí). He married the daughter of the celebrated Mírzáy-i Shírází and as such wielded much influence. During the Tobacco Revolt of 1891–92, he incited the people of Shíráz to sedition, whereupon on hearing this news, the government in Tihrán exiled him to Iraq. However, his departure caused an uproar in Shíráz that was eventually quelled through the efforts of Mírzá Muḥammad-Ridá, the Qavámu’l-Mulk. About two years later, the Siyyid was allowed to return to Shíráz where he resumed his iniquitous activities. This ill-tempered, arrogant divine was most prejudiced against the Bahá’í Faith, and as will be seen throughout the present narrative, he caused the martyrdom of a number of believers: three in 1869, two in 1889, and one in 1892. For a biography see, Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 2, pp. 430–33.

Upon perusal of the documents, the Siyyid realized that he had arrived at a means for great mischief and hence immediately raised the cry, “Our religion is lost!” He proceeded to the Masjid Vakíl, where he stirred up the people, exclaiming, “You must forthwith attack and destroy the home of [Muḥammad-] Qásim Khán, and on account of this missive they have sent to their leader [i.e., Bahá’u’lláh] kill the entire household!” The call took hold across the city.

While attending the Masjid Naw, the late Mírzá Yúsuf Khán, who was a son-in-law of [Muḥammad-Qásim] Khán, heard this call and went before the Khán and apprised him of the situation. Muḥammad-Qásim Khán became extremely apprehensive and immediately inspected his vault, only to discover that his two boxes were missing. He realized that it must be the work of Hájí Murshid’s wife. He summoned the woman and inquired from her in this regard. At first she denied any involvement, but after persistent questioning and threats, she confessed to having hidden the jewelry box in the oven and tossing out the box of papers through chimney into the streets.

When the late Muḥammad-Qásim Khán had learned of this, he immediately set out to visit the Prince and notified him of the occurrences and the involvement of Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar. The Prince stated, “Do not be perturbed. If you are afraid to go home, you may stay in the governor’s Ark as my guest. Leave this issue to me as I know best how to extinguish such fire and mischief.” Due to Muḥammad-Qásim Khán’s previous generosity, the Prince was awaiting an opportunity to repay his kindness and now found the opportune moment.

Muḥammad-Qásim Khán responded, “If you permit, I will take my leave since my wife and household look to me for support and protection, and if I do not go home, it would worry them.” The Prince gave him permission to leave and sent a few soldiers along to protect the home of the late Khán.

Afterward, the Prince sent a message to the Siyyid stating, “I have heard that you have come upon some writings and documents from this wayward group [i.e., Bahá’ís]. Please come and bring with you all these writings for my inspection. Together, I as the governor, and you as the guide on religious matters, we can best decide how to conduct the affairs in the most beneficial manner to the luminous religion [of Islam].”

The Siyyid was most pleased with this message, thinking that he could now do as he pleased through the powers of the office of the governor. He placed all the writings, including the list of believers and the missive [to Bahá’u’lláh], back into the box and took it to the Prince [the Ihtishámu’d-Dawlih].

Vakílu'd-Dawlih: Afnán-i-Yazdí (surnamed Vakílu'd-Dawlih; 1830 – 1909), also known as Ḥájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Taqí, was an eminent follower of Bahá'u'lláh, the founder of the Bahá'í Faith. He is identified as one of the nineteen Apostles of Bahá'u'lláh.
He was an Afnán, a cousin of the Báb and the chief builder of the first Bahá'í House of Worship in 'Ishqábád, present day Turkmenistan, which was initiated by `Abdu'l-Bahá in or about 1902.

[In their meeting,] the Prince extended the Siyyid immense courtesy, well beyond the cleric’s rank, which greatly pleased the visitor and increased his confidence. This interview lasted more than three hours, in the course of which the Siyyid spoke at length—all drivel—while the Prince pretended to be listening most attentively and to be in agreement. When the hour for obligatory prayer arrived, the Siyyid asked for permission to take his leave. [p. 270] The Prince granted him leave with a request for a prayer. The Siyyid was about to take the box when the host stated with utmost politeness, “It would be best if you left the box with me as a trust, that I may study the papers more intently this evening. Come again tomorrow, and together we will decide how best to administer a due punishment upon this wayward people [i.e., Bahá’ís], as their possessions and lives are fair game: their possessions belong to the state, and their blood belongs to the people.” The Siyyid was elated with this comment, and responded, “I obey whatever command Your Excellency decrees. I leave this box with you in trust and ask that no one else interfere with its contents.” The Prince agreed, and the guest took his leave.

Upon his departure, the Prince sent word to the Khán to come see him. When he arrived, he heard the details of what had transpired. The Prince handed him the box, declaring, “Carefully consider the contents, and if you believe some items may have been left with the Siyyid let me know, that by some means those can be retrieved from him as well.” The late Khán had previously prepared a list of the box’s contents and left it in the box. Using this list, he was able to determine that all the papers remained undisturbed. The Prince remarked, “Take the box, and do not worry any more. I will answer the Siyyid. Should a representative of the Siyyid come to you, without any fears, sternly rebuke him. Have no misgivings!” Expressing his profound gratitude and thanks, the late Khán took his leave and once arrived home informed the household of the occurrences and the wise manner in which the Prince had interceded on his behalf. Everyone was most joyous.

The next day, relying on his previous day’s discussions with the governor, Siyyid [Fál-Asírí] sent a harshly worded message to [Muḥammad-Qásim] Khán, essentially, “You are wayward and disdained. Your documents are with me. You have two choices. One is for you to fill your boots with sand, rope them around your neck, barefooted and with one hand holding the sanctified Qur’án and with the other holding a sword, come this very afternoon to the Masjid Vakíl to repent and recant, that I might pardon and forgive your sins. Should you fail to do so, I will issue appropriate fatwá against you instructing that your home be demolished and your blood, as well as those whose names appear on the list, be shed.”

Fatwá: A fatwā in the Islamic faith is a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that the Sheikhul Islam, a qualified jurist or mufti, can give on issues pertaining to the Islamic law.

When this message was given to the Khán, he remained quiet, in some perplexity. The late Mírzá Yúsuf Khán advised, “Uncle, why do you not respond to the Siyyid?” “What am I to say?” inquired the Khán. “Allow me to respond in your place,” said the nephew. He then summoned the messenger and stated, “Convey to your master that his message for the Khán is like the message of Ibn Ziyád [for Imám Ḥusayn]. When you have reached the stature of Ibn Ziyád, then we will do as bidden, wear our boots around our necks and, holding the Qur’án and a sword, come in repentance. However, neither are you Ibn Ziyád, nor are we [Imám] Ḥusayn. Do what you can, and we will reciprocate!”

When this retort reached the Siyyid, it mortified him, and he immediately sought an audience with the Prince [Ihtishámu’d-Dawlih] but was not received on an excuse. The following day, the Siyyid went for an audience again, but the Prince did not meet him and instead his farráshes stated [p. 275], “His Excellency is ill.” When he returned the third day, he was told that the governor had gone hunting. He submitted a missive, only for it to remain unanswered. The Siyyid then realized that the Prince was making excuses and was not of the same mind. He was outraged!

Farrásh: Literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

On the fifth day, the Prince met with him. At first, the Prince spoke softly with the Siyyid, who asked for the return of his trust. “I have not completed my study of the box’s contents,” the Prince responded, “and a few more days of reading are required. I will then decide on the appropriate disposition of this case.” “The religious ruling on this matter resides with me,” the Siyyid stated, “and there is no doubt left in me that [Muḥammad-] Qásim Khán is a Bábí, as all these books and writings are theirs. The life and possessions of these people [i.e., Bahá’ís] are permissible to us.” The Prince retorted, “Why do you speak such things? If such books were found in any house, would they prove the owner a Bábí and his property and blood forfeited?” “If he were not a Bábí,” the Siyyid responded, “then the books of this wayward sect would not be found in his house.”

The Prince considered the time propitious to rebut, “Siyyid, what do you think! Do you think the affairs of government are left to men like you, to do as you please and allege all manner of unseemly slanders on distinguished people? I too keep copies of the Zoroastrian books, and the Old and New Testaments at home. Should it then be said that the Prince is a Zoroastrian, a Jew, or a Christian? What rubbish do you speak? Even if [Muḥammad-] Qásim Khán did own diverse books, he cannot be accused of certain transgressions!” The Siyyid then realized he had miscalculated and that the Prince was furious. As he no longer had any evidence in hand, he collected himself and kept his peace.

The Prince then ordered a water-pipe be brought in for the Siyyid and also his own golden water-pipe be prepared too. As they drank coffee, the Prince stated, “Siyyid, I swear on the royal robe, should you transgress your bounds and become the author of mischief, I will expel you from the city.” In such wise, he dismissed the Siyyid from his presence.

The Siyyid remained home for a few days nursing his wounded pride and then emerged, never again speaking of this incident. The matter died down. The Prince met with Muḥammad-Qásim Khán and thanked him again.

Imprisonment of Sarvistání Believers

After a few months, a second occurrence transpired that involved the late Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán, Karbalá’í Sádiq, the illustrious Áqá Murtidá Sarvistání, and Mashhadí Shukru’lláh Nahhás [the coppersmith]. The details are as follows.

In the year AH 1305 [1887], during the governorship of [Sultán] Uvays Mírzá, the Ihtishámu’d-Dawlih, having been frustrated with the outcome of the mischief he attempted on Muḥammad-Qásim Khán, Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar [Fál-Asírí] had waxed in enmity, animosity, and hatred [towards the Bahá’í Faith]. Each day he sought an opportunity to perpetrate trouble and interference.

The celebrated Murtidá was a painter by profession and before his conversion to the Cause had been a venerated enemy of the Faith to the point that all the believers in Sarvistán had been particularly apprehensive and cautious of him. However, after he had come to believe, his condition had transformed so thoroughly that he was enkindled and filled with ardor, and without any consideration or fear, he would audaciously proclaim the Faith. His wife was a paternal cousin of Siyyid ‘Alí, the Mushíru’s-Sádát, who was an opprobrious and conniving man, deeply antagonistic towards the Cause. This uncle went before Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar [Fál-Asírí] and informed him, “Murtidá has become a Bábí. His wife is my paternal cousin, and I do not wish for this perversion to stain our family’s good name. You must remedy this apostasy.”

Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar [Fál-Asírí] [p. 280] sent his men to seize that wronged one from his shop, which entailed much beating along the way. The Siyyid said to him, “Are you a Bábí?” “I am a painter,” was the response, “and it is you who claim that I am a Bábí.” “If you are not a Bábí, then you must imprecate [this Movement],” commanded the Siyyid. “I will not curse those I do not know,” firmly responded [Murtidá].

Every mujtahid had a circle of students who, in addition to their schooling, performed sundry tasks at the bidding of their master.

The crazed Siyyid commanded further beating and severe punishment of his victim. Afterwards, pending the issuance of a religious ruling and fatwá against him, Murtidá was sent before the Prince Uvays Mírzá on the charge that he was a Bábí, deserving incarceration. The Prince in turn instructed Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [II], to imprison him in his cellar. After Áqá Murtidá was confined, Siyyid ‘Alí, the Mushíru’s-Sádát, forced the wife of that wronged one to be brought to his own house and be joined to him in wedlock without a divorce [from her legal husband].

Fatwá: A fatwā in the Islamic faith is a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that the Sheikhul Islam, a qualified jurist or mufti, can give on issues pertaining to the Islamic law.

Soon thereafter, through the instigation of Siyyid ‘Alí, Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán and Karbalá’í Sádiq were also seized and beaten by Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar [Fál-Asírí]. Subsequently, they were sent before the Prince, who ordered them yet again struck severely with sticks and then imprisoned. A few days later, Mashhadí Shukru’lláh Nahhás was captured and added to the rank of prisoners.

It was in those times that the Prince was dismissed from office, but the victims continued to remain confined. Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, had a particular affinity towards Murtidá and did not wish to see him harmed. On several occasions he had ordered the prisoner brought before him, admonishing him, “All you must do is to state that you are not a Bábí, and then I will reward you handsomely and will in fact place twenty horsemen under your command. I will give you the job of Kalántar of Sarvistán.” To this offer, Murtidá would reply, “I will not barter eternal happiness for ephemeral considerations, nor everlasting sovereignty for the fleeting days of this life.” No matter what he offered, it had no effect on the young believer. Eventually, having failed to induce him [to recant his allegiance, the Qavám] freed him from prison.

The Passing of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim

[Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim], the brother of Khadíjih Bagum and my maternal grandfather, whose manifold services and many sufferings have already been told, ascended to his immortal abode on Monday, 2 Rabí‘u’l-Avval AH 1305 [18 November 1887]. His sanctified remains were interred at a resting place…next to the tomb of his esteemed sister, Khadíjih Bagum.

According to the translator’s calculations, 2 Rabí‘u’l-Avval occurred on a Friday.

Two months later, as part of a Tablet addressed to Áqá Siyyid Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Afnán<37>, a Tablet of Visitation was revealed in his honor from the heaven of the will of the Lord of Creation, the Blessed Perfection, which is included in these pages that readers may be more fully informed of the afflictions sustained by this renowned personage.

Original text in INBMC 51:471–75. Fayzí, Khándán Afnán, pp. 260–62, provides two Tablets revealed for Siyyid Muḥammad-Ḥusayn and Siyyid Ḥasan on their father’s passing.

Sh[íráz]. The honored Afnán and Afnán, upon both rest the Glory of God.

He speaketh forth from His Supreme Horizon!

This is a Book revealed by this Wronged-One that all may draw nigh unto God, the Help in Peril, the Self-Subsisting.

Verily, there hath appeared that which was treasured in the knowledge of God and lay hidden from eyes and hearts. In truth the Day of Promise is come, but the people have denied the Proof of God and His Testimony, inasmuch as they have followed every heedless and ungodly one. They have cast the Book of God behind their backs and perpetrated what hath made the near-ones to groan. They committed that which they were forbidden in the Book of God and abandoned that which they were commanded to observe. They are indeed of them that broke all Covenants and Promises.

Say: O peoples of the earth! Fear ye God and follow not the embodiments of vain imaginings and fancies. Behold ye! It is the Sun that speaketh forth before you and is inviting you unto His Praiseworthy Station. Fear ye God, and do not deny Him Whose Appearance [p. 285] from all eternity all the Books of God have celebrated, and Whose Praise all the Messengers have voiced.

O Ḥusayn! The Wronged-One of the world calleth to thee from His prison and consoles thee in that which hath befallen thee. Verily, thy Lord is the Most Patient, and He bids thee to observe patience and forbearance. This is His commandment, in the past and in the future. Hearken unto the call that is raised from the prison of ‘Akká. Verily, He speaketh forth under all conditions, proclaiming, verily, there is none other God but He, the Sovereign of the seen and the unseen. Nothing escapeth His knowledge. He doeth as He willeth, and He commandeth as He pleaseth, and He is the Almighty, the All-Powerful, the All-Loving.

Beware lest the world’s vicissitudes cause thee to be despondent on account of the misgivings of them that have denied the Book of God and His Manifestation, or cause thy footsteps to slip, for they are truly of the ignorant. Take hold the Book of God with the strength which cometh from Him. Verily, He commandeth thee to uphold righteousness and piety, and He is the Single, the One, the All-Loving, the Well-Beloved. Verily, He hath appeared, and He hath made manifest that which draweth people unto the straight and far-stretching path. Arise to serve the Cause of God and make mention of Him with wisdom and utterance, in such wise that all hearts and minds become attracted. Beware lest the clamor of the servants or the veils of them that have disbelieved in the witness of God and His testimony shut thee out as by a veil.

Say: I swear by God, all veils have been torn asunder and the All-Bountiful hath come in the Day of His return, bringing a Cause that armies and hosts cannot withstand. Say: This is the Day which you were promised in the Books of past Dispensations and whose glad tidings you were given by Muḥammad the Messenger of God, in His words: “On the Day that all men shall arise for God, the Lord of the Kingdom.”

Verily, We have revealed the verses and disclosed the clear signs, but the people for the most part understand not. This is the Day in which man must go forward, but the majority of the people have turned away. They have cast aside God, and chosen to follow their vain desires instead. Are they not of the ignorant? They have denied the Grace of God after its revelation; they have forsaken His sign after its descent. Unto this testifieth the Tongue of Grandeur in the Supreme Horizon, yet mankind for the most part does not seek to hearken. By the righteousness of God! Were they to heed, they would hasten to a station wherein all the atoms do proclaim: “Verily, the Day of Promise hath come, and the Promised One is here.”

Verily, My supreme pen wishes to make mention of the Afnán who hath ascended to the Supreme Friend as decreed by God’s irrevocable decree. We testify that he hearkened to the call that was lifted betwixt earth and heaven. He attained unto that to which have attained God’s servants on whom grace hath been vouchsafed. He hath recognized the oneness of God and His singleness, and hath acknowledged that which the Tongue of Grandeur hath uttered in His sublime station. Verily, God hath purified him at the moment of his ascension, and God hath forgiven him as a token of His Grace. He hath ordained for him in the Supreme Paradise a station such as minds and fancies cannot comprehend.

Blessed art thou, O Afnán, for that which hath befallen thee in the early days. Verily, thy Lord is the true One, the Knower of things unseen. Verily, He hath witnessed that which hath befallen thee and hath protected thee by His sovereign might until the pledge was fulfilled and that which was in the Preserved Tablet came to pass.

O Abú’l-Qásim! Upon thee be the glory of God and the glory of the chosen ones and the glory of them that circle round the Throne in the dawn-tide and in the night-season. May the first wave that billows from the ocean of grace be upon thee, on the part of God, the Sovereign of eternity. O thou that hast taken hold of the cord of His grace in the Days of God, the Lord of the Kingdom. May God’s grace, exalted be He, descend upon thee at all times, as a bounty on His part, and may He ordain for thee that which may be the solace of all eyes. Thus doth the Tongue of this Wronged-One speak in this dark night at the bidding of God, the King of all existence. Verily, we are God’s, and unto Him shall we return.

At this point, the Tablet switches into Persian.

We have turned from the Arabic tongue to the Persian that all may understand the divine purpose and attain to it.

O Afnán, be not sorrowful on account of that which hath befallen thee. This world of being at all times shows men its pages and testifies in the loudest of tones to its impermanence, an admonishment to the peoples of the world. Blessed are the ears that have succeeded in paying heed unto this call, for were man to truly observe the changes and chances of this world, he would consider himself seated upon the throne of tranquillity. He would turn away from mortality to immortality. He would turn from the great humiliation unto the most great honor. The world and all that is therein would be powerless to affect such a person. Praise be to God that there hath been ordained for thee that which hath neither peer nor equal. The holy tree, the Sadra of God hath called thee Afnán. This is a great bounty, a high station. Protect this station through the power of His name the Almighty, the One. [p. 290] Thy highest station is the station of promulgation and teaching of the Cause of God.

This Wronged-One hath from the earliest of days made mention of the Afnán. All Books testify to this matter, and all the Tablets bear witness. Ponder the great afflictions that have befallen Me, the sorrows that have descended upon Me, the Wronged-One of the world. From the first days, I have arisen before the face of men, be they rulers or divines, and for the sake of the one God without veil or covering have I invited them to the Supreme Horizon. My purpose in this hath been to elevate the Word of God, and My intention in calling them hath been to draw all beings nigh unto Him Who is the possessor of the seen and the unseen. It is evident and clear to the possessors of discernment and to them whose eyes are fixed upon the Most Great Vision, that I have sought no advantage for Myself in any matter whatsoever. To this testify My deeds among the people of the world and the manner in which I raised the call of God before all the nations. And when the effulgence of the light of the Sun of Truth was manifested from the heaven of this Manifestation, all the parties rose up in denials and objections, and perpetrated that which no one knoweth except God.

Praise be to God, there hath befallen Us from the people of Bayán that which the Pen is unable to describe. Some among the people of the Bayán have objected because of the mention of Godhood and Lordship. Say: O people of the Bayán! I swear by the righteousness of the All-Merciful, I have no purpose in the mention of aught, save to draw the servants near to God and make them turn to God, the Sovereign of the Day of Return. This Servant hath always loved silence, for the ears that are worthy of hearing this call are few and far between. To this testify all people of fairness and discernment. But His Holiness the Herald, the Primal Point, in the beginning of the Bayán saith: “He is the One Who speaketh under all conditions saying, ‘Verily, I am God; there is none other God but Me, the Lord of all things, and all things other than Me are My creation. O my creation, worship ye Me!’”

And also in reply to one of the Letters of the Living, making mention of Him Whom God shall make manifest, He saith, “I am the first to believe in Him.” Repeatedly, He [the Báb] hath made mention of these utterances. I swear by the Sun of Truth, were it not for His sanctified mention, this Wronged-One would have chosen silence except in order to disclose it to those that are prepared for it.

Praise be to God! The knowledge of the people of the Bayán appeareth to be lower than the knowledge of the followers of Islam, for the people of Islam accepted the utterance of “Verily, I am God!” from the Tree of Sinai; whereas, this people are not prepared to accept this same utterance from the Tree of Existence, from the Lord of the Seen and the Unseen. The people who cast doubts in such manner, their intentions are obvious and apparent in the sight of God, but He is the Concealer, the Patient, the Gracious, and the Most Generous.

Say: Nothing is hid from His knowledge; naught is there to weaken Him. He beholdeth, beareth witness, and He is the All-Hearing, the All-Seeing.

O Afnán, We beseech God, exalted be He, to aid thee and to assist thee and to ordain for thee that which causeth the hearts to be gladdened and the eyes to be solaced. In ending this Tablet we counsel thee to adhere unto that which will elevate thee and uplift thy station, and this is the exercise of consultation. If thou shouldst consult with the other Afnán, upon Him be My Glory, My Grace and Bounty, this is well beloved and accepted in the sight of God, and, verily, God shall settle thine affairs, cause thee to be near to Him, and lay bare before thee what lies hidden from all eyes.

Praise be to God the Lord of all the worlds. On behalf of this Wronged-One extend My greetings unto all thy relations. May the Glory that shineth from the heaven of My Mercy rest upon the Afnán who have not broken My Covenant and Testament, and who have observed what they have been commanded in My Book. The Cause belongeth unto God, the Omnipotent, the Triumphant, the All-Powerful.

Provisional rendering by Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir in collaboration with Ismael Velasco.

Arrival of Áqá Mírzá Ashraf, [nom de plume] ‘Andalíb in Shíráz in AH 1306 [1888]

After having endured great sufferings, afflictions, and tribulations in the path of the Cause, and having sustained the anguish of imprisonment, first in Lahiján and later in Tihrán, ‘Andalíb was at last freed from the clutches of the enemies and decided to come to Fárs and arrived in Shíráz. He situated his residence in that city and arose to promote and teach the Word of God. He traveled extensively throughout the region, in the vicinity of Shíráz and various districts of Fárs, including Ábádih, Nayríz, Marvdasht, Sarvistán, and other places, and planted seeds [of the Beloved’s message] in the heart of a number of seekers, reinvigorating the spirit of a host of others. Eventually, he returned to Shíráz and married [p. 295] the daughter of Hájí Abú’l-Qásim Kuláh-Dúz [the hat-maker], who ranked among the constant and steadfast believers.

In the year AH 1309 [1891] ‘Andalíb, in the company of that illumined sage Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan [Bazzáz], the father of Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán [Dihqán]—whose excellent mention was made previously in several places in this history—journeyed to the Holy Land to attain the sacred presence [of Bahá’u’lláh]. In the month of Shá‘bán [1 March–29 March 1892], he arrived in ‘Akká where he tarried for some two months and where this servant met him and the aforementioned Hájí. While they sojourned in the Holy Land, the most great calamity of the Ascension of the Blessed Perfection occurred. Afterward, in accordance with the instructions of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, he returned to Shíráz and until his very last moment was engaged in teaching and propagating the divine message in Fárs. His passing will be related later in these pages.

Andalíb composed the following eyewitness account of Bahá’u’lláh’s passing (Díván-i ‘Andalíb, pp. 471–74):

He is the All-Powerful, the All-Mighty, the Beloved. Oh, in life’s cup the wine-pourer of the feast of decree Poured life-ending venom instead of spirit-elating wine. For every ache there is a remedy, for every trouble a solution, Oh, for this remediless ache and this balmless trouble. The eye of creation was stunned, the world’s heart darkened, Heart’s orchard was withered, the nightingale of life silenced. From this loss, the pillars of existence were dismantled, From this loss, the eternal throne was crushed. The waves of the surging Sea of Grace were stilled; instead, Waves of grief’s ocean gushed in the hearts and souls of the near ones. The banner of the Most Excellent Names fell to the dust, The lamentation of God’s Party was raised to the high heavens. The One by Whose Manifestation the Day of Resurrection dawned upon the world, By the setting of His sun a commotion made the world to quake. The One Who in the Sinai of nearness called, “Behold, and thou shalt see,” Dismayed many a Moses by His roar, “Never shalt thou behold.” The Most Mighty Ocean sunk its Ruby Ship, Whence a tempest of tears descended from the eyes of Noah. Thus was the king of the visible world established upon the placeless throne, Thus the Sun-like countenance became hid in the West of the eternal Holiness. The ear was deprived of the song of the Nightingale of Paradise, the eye was forbid the effulgence of the Sun-like countenance. For nineteen days that heavenly Beauty was bed-ridden, At the dawn of Saturday, second of Dhi’l-Qa‘dah He was veiled from us. It was the sixteenth of the Roman month of Ayar, It was the thirteenth of the month of ‘Azamat. Of the Persian Naw-Rúz seventy days had passed, And of the Migration, one thousand three hundred and nine years elapsed. Then it was this tragedy occurred, this loss appeared, And the phrase “Verily the Lord was hidden” became the mark of this tragedy. With mine own eyes did I behold the clear morn of the Day of Resurrection, As it surrounded the entire the land of ‘Akká, As for the funeral ‘Akká’s population entire, low and noble, Gathered in Bahjí to express their faithfulness. The Persian believers lamented fate’s unchangeable decree, And the native Arabs cried out, “Oh our Lord, Oh our Lord!” For the washing of the Sacred Body in the haram, the Most Mighty Branch, Stood at service solely out of His patience, resignation, and acquiescence. His Holiness God’s Most Mighty Branch spoke to the friends compassionately, With a speech eloquent and enchanting. “No one should be disturbed since God has said, In His Kitáb-i Aqdas for all creation: “‘O people, when the Sun of My Beauty has set, And My heavenly Temple is hidden from all eyes. “‘All must arise for the triumph of My Cause, Remain assured and raise its banner the world over. “‘There was a wisdom in My Manifestation, and a wisdom also in My disappearance, None will this wisdom comprehend save God Himself.’ “Therefore must we become united in His Cause’s spread, We must become united both in outward seeming and within our hearts. “For teaching and triumph of the Faith we must be as one body, Instill a new spirit by this Call into the temple of the world. “Eleven were the Disciples of Jesus Christ; After the passing of God’s Spirit they gave healing to world’s dwellers. “Praised be God at present our number is several thousand, All enlightened by the effulgence and the Writings of Bahá.” Thanks be God’s that we are all beneath the Most Mighty Branch’s shade, The Branch of that Ancient Stock and the wave of that Ocean of Grace. Remain constant and assured in this mighty Cause, Patient in this tragedy, thankful in adversity. ‘Andalíb regrets that ere this tragedy struck He did not drink a cup borne by death’s angel

Martyrdom of Two Believers

In the year AH 1307 [1889], Hájí Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar [Fál-Asírí] issued a fatwá for the slaying of Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán and gave it to the Prince Uvays Mírzá. That very night, that wronged one was poisoned and martyred. The following day, without the ritual ablutions or the shrouding of the dead, and still in the same clothes that he wore [in the prison], he was buried next to the Masjid Hájí ‘Abbás, outside of the city limits. Despite all the obstacles and dangers, that night the Sarvistání believers located his grave and exhumed his remains, wrapped it in fabric, and moved it to Sarvistan where it was interred in a most verdant orchard owned by the Khán himself.

This deed of the Sarvistání believers was most pleasing in the presence of Bahá’u’lláh, and in a Tablet revealed by the Tongue of Merciful extolling their great virtues, He likened them to “angelic couriers.” He also revealed a Tablet of Visitation for the martyred believer, in the course of which it is revealed, “Verily, their Lord blest them in this transferal. He is the Gracious, the Protector, the Shelter, the Defender, and the Vindicator.”

Four months after [the slaying of] Karbalá’í Ḥasan Khán, the martyrdom of Karbalá’í Sádiq took place. He too was buried outside of city, but in an unknown spot.

Several of Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets addressed to him are in INBMC 51:441–47, nos. 446–54. A description of this twin martyrdom is given in Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 874–76

The Passing of Zahrá Bagum

In the year AH 1307 [1889], the passing of the holy leaf Zahrá Sultán Bagum, the sister of Khadíjih Bagum, took place. From the beginning of her life in the Cause she sustained great sufferings and immense hardships, one hour of which none other could have withstood, so vehement were they in their intensity. What manifold angst she endured at enemies’ hand and what adversities she bore from unrelenting foes! For years she longed to see her only child, [Núri’d-Dín], and not a night passed that she did not shed bitter tears over her separation, nor was there a day that she was not moved to weep over what had befallen her. Her sole consolation was the favors of the Blessed Beauty as communicated through His trusted courier, Shaykh Salmán. In accordance with the wishes of the Blessed Perfection, after the passing of Khadíjih Bagum, that exalted noblewoman resided in the Blessed House of the Báb for some seven years, until her benevolent soul took its flight to the Abhá Kingdom and the exalted paradise on Wednesday, 15 of Safar [11 October 1889].

As noted earlier, in order to protect the believers of Shíráz, Núri’d-Dín left Iran for more than 16 years and lived first in India and then in Egypt.

Her sacred remains were carried in circumambulation of the House of the Báb and then interred next to her sister’s….A Tablet [of Bahá’u’lláh] revealed in honor of the sacred leaf, Maryam-Sultán<36>, the wife of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, bears eloquent witness to the faith and certitude of that brilliant lamp of fidelity and that essence of constancy. That Tablet of Visitation is quoted in its entirety in these pages that the reader may discern her spiritual attainments:

[p. 300] The Leaf, wife of the Afnán, upon her rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.

He is the Consoler, the Comforter, the Beloved, the Most Generous.

O ye Leaves of My Divine Lote-Tree! Upon ye be the Glory of God, the Lord of both worlds.

O ye fruits of My Tree of Bounty! Upon ye rest the Light of God, the Luminous, the Radiant, the Effulgent!

O ye remnants of My Afnán. The Sadratu’l-Muntahá in the Supreme Horizon makes mention of you and desires to console His Leaves, His Afnán, His Branches, and His fruits, in that which hath befallen them by virtue of God’s irrevocable decree and His destiny, inscribed by His All-Powerful, His Wondrous Pen.

I swear by the righteousness of God! Thine afflictions and all that hath befallen thee grieved Me, and grieved them that circle round Me and hold fast unto the cord of My generosity and My mercy that hath surrounded all who are in the heavens and on earth. Unceasingly, mention is being made of thee in this Holy and transcendent spot, and the eyes of loving-kindness are turned in thy direction. Even though a great calamity hath descended upon thee, yet, since its origin and end are from God and unto God, no harm attacheth thereto. We beseech the One True God that He may transform the fire of grief into the light of joy and that He may sanctify the garment of detachment and trust in God from the dust of worldly vicissitudes and the smoke of the vain imaginings of the peoples of the world. What befell thee in the path of God were the greatest afflictions of the world. How many the nights and days that thou wert saddened by the cruelties of the people! And among the most great sufferings is the separation that hath transpired and come between Us. Know thou of a certainty that a station is ordained for thee that, were its glory to be disclosed to an extent less than the needle’s eye, all would abandon that which they possess for that which is with God and would circle round the Throne.

The oppressors and the wayward of the world, following their fancy, are engaged in destroying the Faith of God, but all that hath come to pass hath led to the glorification of the Cause. The powers of the world are impotent to weaken His might, nor can His strength be affected by the fabrications of the people. From the inception of the Cause till now, We have aided the Cause with Our Pen, until it hath become the cause of astonishment and wonder for all the peoples.

The Words of the Exalted Ones are revealed in both the eloquent Arabic language and the luminous Persian tongue. Their recitation is beloved, and it is the source of consolation for hearts and souls. At this moment We purposed to make mention of My Exalted Leaf amongst God’s handmaidens with a mention that will attract the hearts of the Concourse on High and the exalted Paradise in such wise that its fragrance would endure as long as His Most Beauteous Names and His exalted Attributes.

The First Light that hath shone from the horizon of the loving providence of the Lord of mankind, and the First Word that the Tongue of Grandeur hath spoken, and the First Fragrance wafting from the Garment of My Most Great Name amongst mankind, rest upon thee O thou dayspring of fidelity, who hast been mentioned by the Tongue of Abhá in the Prison City of ‘Akká.

I bear witness that thou didst hearken unto the summons from the earliest of days and that thou didst turn unto God, the Lord of all mankind, and didst seize the cup of divine knowledge and didst drink of what was proffered therein by the hands of bounty and grace. Thou art the one whom neither the cavils of the enemy nor the doubts of the wicked were able to hold back. Thou didst abandon thy people and didst turn to God, the Lord of the throne above and of earth below, and the Sovereign of the Beginning and the End.

May the first light dawning and shining from the horizon of God’s bounty rest upon thee O thou luminous Leaf. I testify that thou didst turn thy face [unto Him] and didst confess what was spoken by the Tongue of Grandeur in the Kingdom of creation, and didst pour from His Choice Sealed Wine in His Name, the Self-Subsisting, and didst quaff therefrom before God’s handmaidens and His Leaves. Thou art the one who was not impeded by the hosts of the divines and their disturbances, nor by the bellowing of the wicked and the cruel, and their vain doubts. Thou didst tear the veils asunder in the name of thy Lord, the All-Bountiful and didst confess the all-subduing Word of God and didst adhere to it in these days wherein the handmaidens have abandoned it, and all the men forsaken it, except him whom God, the Lord of the exalted Throne, hath willed.

Blessed art thou O my handmaiden! And blessed too are whoever hath sought thy grave and hath visited thy resting-place and hath striven after nearness unto God, [p. 305] and hath made mention of that which the Supreme Pen hath mentioned of thy afflictions and calamities.

Sanctified art Thou, O my God, and the Lord of the earth below and the Kingdom above, and the Sovereign of grandeur and dominion. I beseech Thee by the Branches of the Tree of Thy Singleness, and by Thy Chosen Ones who were so ignited with the fire of Thy love that they forsook their wealth and souls in Thy path, that Thou mayest pardon me and them that believe in Thee and in Thy signs. O my Lord! I beseech Thee by Thy sovereignty which hath encompassed all existence, and by Thy mercy which hath preceded the seen and unseen, that Thou mayest fulfill my needs and ordain for me that which will draw me nigh unto Thee and that it may be a light before my face in every world of Thy worlds. Verily, Thou art the Omnipotent, the Ever Bounteous, the All-Forgiving, the Merciful.

Provisional rendering by Dr. Khazeh Fananapazir in collaboration with Ismael Velasco.

Chapter 11 Events of Early 1890s

[p. 306:1] After Zahrá Bagum’s passing, the Blessed Beauty granted permission to Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín to bring his family and kin from Shíráz [to Port Said, Egypt] and in their company to journey to the Holy Land. In accordance with His command, the Afnán wrote to Áqá Mírzá Áqá<53>, the celebrated son of Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Afnán, in Shíráz and asked him to arrange the family’s immediate departure.

Thereupon, the holy leaf Maryam-Sultán Bagum arranged for the marriage of Áqá Mírzá Jalál<75>, her second son, and placed him in charge of the protection and maintenance of the Blessed House of the Báb in Shíráz. The remainder of the household, that is, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg<76>, Hájí Mírzá Habíbu’lláh<71>, Hájí Mírzá Diyá’<72>, Hájíyyih Tubá Bagum<73>, Hájíyyih Zívar-Sultán, who was the mother of Áqá Mírzá Hádí Afnán<96>, together with two attendants, Áqá Muḥammad-‘Alí Káshání and Hájí Subráb, departed on Friday, 24 Safar A.H. 1308 [9 October 1890].

From Búshihr, we sailed for Port Said and then to the Holy Land. At that time, the present writer was only fourteen years of age. The leader of our travel party was my brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, who was sixteen years old.

Martyrdom of Murtidá

During this interval, Muḥammad-Taqí Mírzá, the Ruknu’d-Dawlih, was appointed governor-general of Fárs and came from Tihrán to Shíráz. By then, the celebrated Murtidá had been in prison for five years. When in A.H. 1310 [1892] the news of the Blessed Beauty’s ascension had reached Fárs, Murtidá—that singular thrall of his Divine Beloved—lost all restraint and begun to lament and This detail was reported to Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar [Fál-Asírí] who congregated with certain other ‘ulamá of the period, including Shaykh Ahmad Shánih-Sáz, Mullá Ahmad Mahallátí, Shaykh ‘Abdu'l-Jabbár, Shaykh Táhir ‘Arab, and Mírzá Hidáyatu’lláh Dast-Ghayb. Collectively and unanimously, they signed a fatwá for Murtidá’s martyrdom in the presence of the Ruknu’d-Dawlih, stating, “You must slay him this very day.” Having the required religious ruling in hand, the governor-general ordered the martyrdom of that wronged-one.

It was a blistering summer afternoon that day. The executioner went to the dungeon to retrieve the prisoner and to accompany him to Maydán Túp- Khánih for the discharge of the sentence, which was for the prisoner to be blown from the mouth of a cannon. Upon seeing his victim, the executioner informed that brave lover of the field of sacrifice of his expected fate and in chains extracted him from his cell. At the prison gate, Murtidá paused and, with utmost delight and serenity, removed his hat and presented it to the executioner, saying, “Of all the worldly possessions, I have but this hat. [p. 310] As a reward for bringing me this most wonderful tiding, I wish to present it to you as a gift!” Then, with the utmost affability, he handed his offering to the executioner.

City’s central square where cannons are kept on permanent display.

Soon that wronged-one was brought out to the Maydán, where a multitude had gathered to witness the event and a cannon was readied. Murtidá asked for water. Thinking that he wished to have his last drink of water, the executioner brought him some. That love-intoxicated soul took the water and with it performed his ablutions and then stood facing the Holy Land [‘Akká], and freely and with a resonant voice recited his obligatory prayer, followed by the chanting of a long prayer. Thereafter, he turned to the executioner, saying, “I have completed my duties. You must now discharge yours.”

Since Imám Ḥusayn had been refused water during His final moments, it is customary in Iran that victims are given water before their execution.

As is customary, the executioner placed a short stool in front of the cannon-mouth, placing that wronged-one with his back to the gun, and he was about to tie him with ropes, when the latter said, “There is no need to tie me. Tying is for thieves, wrongdoers, and highwaymen. Indeed, I have been yearning for this day and this blessed hour! My sole request is that you place me facing the cannon that I may see it discharged.” On hearing that true lover speak so bravely and with such constancy of purpose, the executioner and the multitude of people were overcome with marvel and astonishment.

As requested, the executioner placed Murtidá facing the cannon. Upon firing, the entire area was filled with the din of the roaring gun, and the cannon ball tore its target to pieces, scattered throughout the city-square. The only recognizable part was his blessed head, which the heartless executioner collected and paraded through the city in order to win alms and gifts from the shopkeepers and the merchants.

[Moved by the bravery of Murtidá] that very day several people declared their allegiance to the Faith, including such personages as Áqá Sultán-Muḥammad Khán Qahrimání [the champion]; Ghulám-Ḥusayn Kúlih-Kish [the porter]; Khán-Ján Duzdalishny; and a number of others.

Of the ‘ulamá who had refused to sign and seal the fatwá for Murtidá’s martyrdom were Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí, the Mujtahid, and Hájí Shaykh Yahyá, the Imám-Jum‘ih, both of whom ranked among the equitable and charitable citizens.

On the day that they blew Murtidá from the mouth of a cannon, Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí, the Mujtahid, who was a most virtuous and principled man, sent words to Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar [Fál-Asírí] to the effect, “Siyyid, do you discern what you have done today? The cannon’s roar caused half the city to become Bábí! Indeed, you served the sacred religion of Islam and these people!”

A description of Murtidá’s martyrdom is given in Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhuru’l-Haqq, vol. 5, pp. 373–74, and vol. 6, pp. 875–76.

The area where Murtidá was martyred is now known as the Bágh Millí [the national park] and is filled with most flourishing shrubs and vegetation, most delightful flower gardens, and pleasing cypress, pine, and a variety of trees. Every spot reddened by the sacred blood of that lover, or marked by a piece of his body, has now witnessed the blossom of a flower or a thriving tree, testifying to his longing for union with his merciful Beloved. Indeed, over the area of his martyrdom, the Bánk Millí [National Bank] is now raised.

One of Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets in honor of Murtidá is found in INBMC 51:397, no. 408.

Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís ankomst till Fárs år [1895], 1313 A.H. The Arrival of Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís in Fárs in A.H. 1313 [1895]

After attaining the presence of ‘Abdu'l-Bahá in the Holy Land and gaining indescribable spiritual insights and manifold celestial understandings, Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan Mírzá, known as Hájí Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, arrived in Shíráz by way of the port of Búshihr. He resided temporarily in Shíráz for several months before proceeding [first to Isfahán and then] to Tihrán.

See Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 142–55, and Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, pp. 42–43.

Since during his first sojourn the weather in Shíráz had been particularly vivifying and the condition of Fárs most agreeable, he decided to return and settle for a longer period. He established a befitting home, and initially the distinguished ‘ulamá openly and warmly welcomed him.

[p. 315] The venerable Hájí Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís established his classes at Masjid Naw, near the [Shrine of] Siyyid Mír Ahmad Sháh-Chiráq, which is a spacious and vivifying area, and there he would preach and deliver sermons. Truly and in all fairness, he was singular in eloquence and the ability to preach and teach from pulpits and at other public gatherings. Often it was witnessed that he delivered a discourse on a single theme for some four hours, completely sustaining the interest of his audience. All his sermons were aimed at the edification and awakening of the people, to the point that those among his seminary students endowed with discernment would write down his lectures verbatim and copy them for others. Gradually, through the circulation of these notes, all citizens were greatly attracted to his lessons. During the morning hours, he would have his classes at his own residence where a large group would receive tuition. Several among his foremost students recognized the truth of the Faith and numbered as his confidants.

Áqá Mullá ‘Abdu'lláh Fádil, surnamed Rafí‘-Badí‘, whose sufferings and services were mentioned earlier in this narrative, was greatly attracted to the honored Shaykh upon first meeting him and discerned spiritual attainments in his words. He decided to determine the depth of the Shaykh’s unworldly sagacity. He versified a number of questions and together with several loafsugars sent these to the Shaykh, with the purpose of ascertaining the convictions of the latter. The Shaykh, [being a most accomplished poet in his own right,] also responded in verse, and this exchange was indeed most instructive and extensive. To the extent that these poems have come to my possession, I will include them in these pages.

Because of his fame and Qájár background, Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís was directed by ‘Abdu'l-Bahá to conceal his conversion to the Bahá’í Faith.

Pages 317–21 contain several poetic exchanges between these two believers; these exchanges do not bear directly on the historical events and as such have not been translated.

In short, [through these exchanges,] veils were removed between the celebrated Fádil and the esteemed Shaykh, and the former would often frequent the abode of the latter to spend time in each other’s company. After Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís made a firm decision to remain in Shíráz, he began to form marital unions with influential and prominent citizens. He gave his eldest daughter in marriage to Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, the Fakhru'l-Ashráf, the renowned son of Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí Fakhru’d-Dawlih. He also gave his second daughter in marriage to the eldest son of Hájí Ahmad Khán Kurraní, who was among the affluent landlords of Shíráz.

These unions further fueled the envy and jealousy of the ‘ulamá, as they could see that because of his [Qájár] ancestry and other manifest qualities, the governors, officials, and dignitaries paid him great respect and consideration, and all major transactions before the governor took place through his intercession. Gradually, the company of the other ‘ulamá was abandoned and day-by-day the society of Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís expanded. All strata of the community gained the utmost confidence and trust in him, and this only added to the enmity of the ‘ulamá who were constantly scheming for ways to insult him or provoke him certain difficulties. Nevertheless, they were powerless to do anything save continue to associate with the honored Shaykh.

God willing, the rest of his account will be told in the course of the events of A.H. 1312 [1894] and A.H. 1318 [1900].

Departure of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín

After sixteen years away, in accordance with ‘Abdu'l-Bahá’s instructions, Núri’d-Dín left Egypt for Shíráz and to meet en route with the late Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ḥasan [Mírzáy-i Shírází], the Hujjatu’l-Islám [the Proof of Islam] in the ‘Atabát. Even though this description is not directly related to the history of the Faith in Fárs, yet since it has not been recorded in other chronicles, it is propitious that it be narrated in these pages so that kind mention is made of that singular steward of the world of humanity. That story and the reasons behind the meeting are as follows.

Ḥujjat al-Islām (the Proof of Islam) is a title for some Muslim scholars, mostly used for Shi'ite religious sholars in the last century. Nowadays the title is used for the clerics who have passed advanced courses in fiqh and usul al-fiqh, unlike the constitutional period when it was used only for high-profile clerics.The Arabic word hujjat literally means a clear proof which silences the opponents.

A different translation of this interview formerly appeared in Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 252–60. A summary is in Mázandarání, Táríkh Zuhúru’l-Haqq, vol. 6, pp. 1013–15.

In the year A.H. 1312 [1894], [Sáhibih-Sultán Bagum], the mother of Áqá Siyyid Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Afnán, together with her daughter [Fátimih-Sultán Bagum<42>], who is the mother of Muvaqqaru’d-Dawlih<99>, visited the ‘Atabát. [In the course of their visit], they went to the residence of the esteemed Mírzá Hujjatu’l-Islám in order to introduce themselves to him.

Núri’d-Dín’s letters from Búshihr are extant and are dated A.H. 1311 [1893]. Therefore, most likely “1312” is a copyist error, and the actual date is A.H. 1311.

[p. 325] After the exchange of customary formalities, the mother said:

“I am the wife of the late Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim<11>, and this is my daughter. We ask your special blessings and favors.” Which Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim?” he asked. “The maternal uncle of Áqá Mírzá Áqá<24>,” she replied. “Which Áqá Mírzá Áqá?” “The son of the late Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín.” Then he remembered who it was and said, “The Áqá Mírzá Zaynu’l-‘Abidín who [lived] near the gate of the Masjid Jámi‘?” “Yes,” she replied, and he was overjoyed. “Where is Áqá Mírzá Áqá now?” he then asked. “He was living in Egypt, but it appears from what he has written that he now intends to return to Shíráz.” “Do you know whether he has already traveled and reached Shíráz or not?” “He has not arrived as yet.” “How much longer are you intending to remain in the ‘Atabát?” “We will stay for perhaps fifteen more days, and when we have completed our pilgrimage to the ‘Atabát and the sacred city of Najaf, we will once again attain your presence and then return to Búshihr.”

“When you return to Búshihr, if you find that Áqá Mírzá Áqá has already passed through that town and is on his way to Shíráz, then let it be. However, if he arrives while you are in Búshihr, please say to him from me: ‘Be sure to come to the ‘Atabát and visit me, for it has been many years that I have been deprived of meeting members of my family.’ And if you leave Búshihr before he arrives, leave a message for him with a trustworthy person that it is imperative for me to see him.”

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh adds parenthetically: (The Hujjatu’l-Islám had family ties with the Afnán, that is to say their fathers were paternal cousins, and he was also closely related to the father of the Báb. It was for this reason that he was trying to arrange the meeting.)

The days of the pilgrimage of those two ladies at the ‘Atabát drew to a close, and they went to bid farewell to the Hujjatu’l-Islám. They said to him, “We are taking our leave today.” He urged them once more not to forget his message to Áqá Mírzá Áqá and to ensure that when he came to the ‘Atabát, he would come and see him.

Meeting Between Núri’d-Dín and Mírzáy-i Shírází After completing their pilgrimage, the ladies returned to Búshihr, and on the very same day the ship carrying the Afnán arrived at Búshihr. They met each other, and the ladies conveyed the message of the Hujjatu’l-Islám. My father related:

I was very hesitant whether I should go and visit or to forego such an intention. I thought about it a great deal. Eventually, I decided that it was best for me to go. The same ship took me on to Basrah, and from Basrah I traveled to Baghdad. I sent a missive before the Hujjatu’l-Islám saying, “In conformity with your exalted wish, your good message has been forwarded to me in which you had stressed that when I reached the ‘Atabát I should visit you. I am now at Baghdad. Whenever you appoint a time, I shall come and attain your presence.”

I sent the missive through one of the ‘Arab Bahá’ís and instructed him to identify himself [as my messenger] and then deliver it. When the letter reached him and he realized I was in Baghdad, he sent the following reply, “O light of mine eyes! Dear and esteemed one! Your letter was received and read. [p. 330] Since at the present time there is much coming and going of pilgrims, please remain in the Abode of Peace [Baghdad] for fifteen days even though it may be an inconvenience to you. Then at the expiry of the fifteen days, come here to the ‘Atabát that we may meet. I am very eager to meet that light of mine eyes.” The same messenger brought this reply to me.

After seeing this response, I remained in Baghdad, according to the instructions, for fifteen days. At the culmination of that time, I set out to Samarra with a number of the ‘Arab Bahá’ís. Upon our arrival, the ‘Arabs found a place for us to stay, and we settled there.

The following day I called on the honored Mírzá and found an old man with a radiant face, sitting with pillows around him on which he was resting. The people who were being admitted to his presence would kiss his hand, sit in his presence for an hour, and then be dismissed. Like the others, I went forward, kissed his hand and introduced myself. He looked at me and inquired after my health. He only asked, “Where are you staying?” I did not know, but the ‘Arabs who were with me gave the address and the location. He did not speak to me any further, nor paid any attention to us, and after sitting for more than one hour, I got up and again without adding any expressions of affection, he said, “Be under God’s protection!”

I was deeply annoyed at his ignoring me and was not in a good mood. “What a thing to do,” I said to myself. “I have caused myself a lot of trouble for no reason and have come here from Búshihr to no purpose.” I was very offended. I arrived at the place where I was staying and said to my companions, “Let us make preparations to leave at first light tomorrow.”

At the time of the adhán [call to prayer], which was two hours before sunrise, I was up and drinking tea, while the others were busy collecting our belongings. It was just getting light, and I was looking from the window into the street when I saw an akhúnd coming. When he reached the door of our house, he called out to one of the Bahá’ís whose name was ‘Alí. ‘Alí went by the door to speak with him, and he said, “I have a message from the honored Mírzá, which I want to convey to Áqá Mírzá Áqá.” ‘Alí conveyed the message, and I went over and spoke with the akhúnd. He said, “The honored Hujjatu’l-Islám has asked that you come to see him alone, without your companions.”

I decided to go, but my companions said, “We cannot let you go alone. Anything could happen.” “These thoughts are wrong,” I replied, “he must want to see me about something since he has specially sent for me.” In the end my companions agreed, and I set out without them.

The name of the akhúnd was Shaykh Ḥasan, and he was one of the intimates of the Hujjatu’l-Islám. I went with him until we reached the door of the house of the honored Mírzá, where I had been the previous day. But he proceeded on around the corner.

“The house of the venerable Mírzá is here, O Shaykh,” I said to him; “where are you going?” “This is the Bírúní,” he replied. “He has instructed that you be taken in through the door of the Andarúní, which is private.”

Bírúní: an outer quarter, for the men.

Andarúní: an inner quarter, for the women.

He went on another twenty paces and opened a door. In the corner of the hallway there was a room. He opened the door and held up the curtain. I went in and found his honored Hujjatu’l-Islám, as on the previous day, with cushions around him, lying down. I greeted him, and he replied. Then he said to Shaykh Ḥasan, “Go brew some tea and bring it. No one is to be permitted to come here, for it is fifty years since I have seen any of my relatives. I want one hour free from interruption to be with him. Even the children are not to be permitted.” After giving these instructions, he said further, “Also, close the door.”

And so Shaykh Ḥasan closed the door and left. Then he opened his arms and embraced me. [p. 335] He wept copiously, and from his condition I began to weep too. He sat me down next to him and poured out expressions of affection and favor.

“I know that you were annoyed at the way we met yesterday and were displeased. I realized that you were angered. What can I do with such people? What can I do? It was for this reason that I sent Shaykh Ḥasan to you in the early morning to bring you here so that I can meet you.”

At this moment, Shaykh Ḥasan brought in the tea. “Leave it and go,” he said. “Áqá Mírzá Áqá will pour the tea.”

Shaykh Ḥasan put down the tray and left. I poured some tea and offered it to him. He said, “You drink it.” I declined but he insisted, and so I drank the tea. He ordered me to fill up the same cup again, and he drank from it. Then we began speaking. He asked a few questions about where I had been during these years, what I had heard, and which persons I had met. “What sort of persons?” I asked.

“Persons who have put forward claims and have caused controversy—that is to say, people with new ideas,” he said.

I replied, “In A.H. 1296 [1879] when I traveled from Shírází, I went to Bombay where I occupied myself in trading. Here I made friends and associated with Iranian and foreign merchants. I met all types of people, and we would discuss every kind of topic. For example, I met Hájí Muḥammad-Ibráhím Yazdí, who is known as the Muballigh, and he spoke of many important matters. When I considered what he said and weighed his words justly, I could not refute them.”

Where did you go after Bombay?” he inquired further. “In A.H. 1305 [1887], I went from Bombay to Egypt, and I remained for some time in Port Said and Cairo engaged in trading where I came in contact with all sorts of people.”

“Where did you go from there, where did you live, and whom did you meet?” he yet asked.

It suddenly occurred to me, from his questions, that perhaps he wanted to extract a confession from me and cause me trouble. But I thought about this and seeing that there was no one present but he and I, I thought it unlikely that he was planning anything. So I decided to answer his questions with wisdom.

“For a time I went to Beirut and visited some important people from among the notables such as Áqá Muḥammad-Mustafa Baghdadí and others like him.” “What did they speak of?”

They spoke of the new Cause,” I replied, “and whatever they said was supported by proofs and evidences from the verses of the Qur’án and the Hadíth of the Prophet [Muḥammad] to such an extent that no fair-minded person could deny it. And so I wanted very much to see your honor so that I could ask you what my position is according to religious law and what my moral and religious duty is. Should they be accepted or rejected?”

“O light of mine eyes! The One exalted God has created the parts of the body for the use of His creation that mankind may utilize each of them. Thus, for example, eyes are created for seeing, ears for hearing, the tongue for speech, hands for touching, and feet for walking, but He has created the heart for knowing and recognizing Him and has ordained it as the seat of His effulgence. He has said, ‘The heart of believer is the throne of the All-Merciful.’ Since it is thus, Satan has no place there. And, therefore, if this Cause is not from God, it will have no effect on the heart and being of a man. Whatever the heart accepts and understands must, without doubt, come from God—it will not err.”

“When I heard this reply of his, I became more confident and felt free to speak. [p. 340] “Now, the light of mine eyes, where did you go from Beirut?” he asked. “I went to ‘Akká.” He smiled and asked, “O light of mine eyes! What did you see and find there?” “From what point of view do you mean?” “From both the material and spiritual points of view.”

“From a worldly point of view, I found such majesty, power, authority, command, and might that no king or emperor could hope to rival. And as for the spiritual realm, whatever you have heard of the previous Manifestations of God or have seen of the Books or signs of those Essences of Being and Manifestations of Might you will find a more complete and a hundred thousand times more mighty demonstration in this Holy Personage. For example, from the Holy Prophet [Muḥammad] the verses of the Holy Qur’án were revealed in thirty sections [juz’], gradually over a period of twenty-two years. From this Holy Being, that is to say, Bahá’u’lláh, in one month ten times the Holy Qur’án is revealed with the utmost precision and eloquence for the world of humanity. And it is such that no fair-minded man can refute it nor produce the like of it.”

The Ministry of Muḥammad lasted some twenty-three years.

“It is indeed so, if one be fair-minded,” he replied. “I myself have seen some of these Writings, and they cannot be compared with the verses of previous revelations. No, they are much more eloquent and profound.”

Then respectfully I asked, “When did your exalted self come to this conclusion?” He smiled and said, “Do you want to hear a confession from me then, my son?” “God forbid! It is only because Your Eminence is the most learned of mankind that I wanted to know so as to increase the certainty in my own heart.”

“Light of mine eyes! Since you want to know, I will tell you. I was a young man, studying at Isfahán, when His Holiness the [Primal] Point graced that town with His presence. I was present at a gathering with the Imám-Jum‘ih and the theological students at the house of Manuchihr Khán, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Dawlih. They were asking Him scientific questions of every sort, [testing His knowledge] and He was answering each one convincingly and with the utmost eloquence so that all of us fell into an astonished silence. Then one of the theological students asked a scientific question, and He gave a full reply. That student showed himself to be unfair and recalcitrant. His answer to that person decided me, and I was convinced and understood everything. Nor did I allow this understanding to wane. Whatever of His verses and commentaries came to hand, I read, and they renewed my inner, spiritual being. No doubt has since then entered my mind, and this outward glory that God has granted me is on account of the fact that I approached this matter fairly and accepted this Cause.”

After hearing these words and becoming completely assured about that holy man, I said, “Now that this blessed Cause is manifest and proven to Your Eminence and the reins of control over millions of the Shi‘ite sect are in your able hands, if you consider it advisable, you could make this matter public so that the people will be saved from ignorance and error and will enter the highway of right guidance.”

“What are you saying, my son? These people are not fair-minded. Are my attainments higher than those of Mullá Ḥusayn Bushú‘íor Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Bárfurúshí [Quddús], and Akhúnd Mullá Muḥammad-‘Alí Zanjání [Hujjat] and the others? They would have done the same with me as they did with them. The best thing was for me to conceal my belief. In the meantime, I was able to perform such services that were I to tell you of them, you yourself would testify that it was right for me to conceal the matter and help the Cause.”

“I would like to hear of the assistance that you have given,” I said.

[p. 345] “In A.H. 1301, a number [of the believers] were arrested by Kámrán Mírzá, the Náyibu’s-Saltanih, in Tihrán and kept in prison in harsh circumstances for two years. Every day they were interrogated, and matters were made very difficult and agonizing for them. I wrote to Násiri’d-Dín Sháh saying, ‘Why have you without any reason or my fatwá, caused such difficulties and harm to befall them? It has been due to you that this Faith has spread among the peoples and countries. The Apostle of God [Muḥammad] has said:

The correct year should be A.H. 1300 [1882].

“Mankind seeks after what is forbidden.” Your prohibitions and persecutions have strengthened the Cause of these people [Bahá’ís]. You must certainly, as soon as my letter arrives, send for the prisoners, be kind to them, and set them free. And henceforward, do not cause anyone harassment on account of this matter.’ After the arrival of my letter, Násiri’d-Dín Sháh summoned all the prisoners, gave them an Ashrafí [gold coin] each and set them free. Among them was Hájí Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar [Sháhmírzádí, Hájí Akhúnd], Áqá Mírzá Abú’l-Fadl [Gulpáyganí], Hájí Amín, Mashhadí ‘Alí Qazvíní, and other important persons. That was one of the services I rendered. And another was when Siyyid Jamálu’d-Dín Asadábadí, who is known as Afghání, was planning some mischief in Istanbul. He had interpolated some material into the Kitáb-i Aqdas and had inserted some rubbish of his own into that book. Among the things that he had added was that the mosques of Islam should be demolished and razed to the ground. Mecca should be destroyed, Medina pulled down, and some other things. He translated this into Turkish and gave it to Sultán ‘Abdu'l-Hamíd so that the Sultán might become angry and mischief might result therefrom. Sultán ‘Abdu'l-Hamíd wrote an account of this book to me and asked me what should be done. I replied You have no right to interfere in such matters. Whoever has done this has done so out of spite. Send all such books to me. After investigating the matter, I will decide what is to be done with them.’ Sultán ‘Abdu'l-Hamíd sent them, and I had Shaykh Ḥasan throw them all into the river where they sank and were obliterated. My son! You have no idea how often the ‘ulamá of Iran have written to me and asked for a fatwá [against Bahá’ís]. I have somehow managed to answer all their questions and have silenced them. If I were to tell it all to you, it would tire you. Among them was: [Mírzá Ḥasan] Áshtiyání and Kalbásí from Tihrán; Shaykh [Muḥammad] Báqir and Shaykh [Muḥammad] Taqí from Isfahán; Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar [Fál-Asírí] and Shaykh Táhir ‘Arab from Shírází; Mullá ‘Abdu'lláh [Burújirdí] from Hamadán; and others from various places. Perhaps one hundred letters in all, and to each one I have given an answer and silenced its author.”

After hearing these words from the honored Hujjatu’l-Islám, I said:

“Truly your help and assistance for this Cause have been inestimable and are worthy of praise. Of a certainty you have penned a will. It is good that you elucidate this matter in your will so that after you, others would know their duty.” “I have written in detail. We must see if the inheritors will publicize my will.”

The records of the Afnán family indicate that a copy of this will found its way to Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán (Abú’l-Qásim Afnán, private communications, August 1995).

Then he said:

“When will you be leaving?” “My sole intention was to meet you,” I replied. “I have no other business here.” “Then it is better if you go soon, since, when you arrived in the Abode of Peace [Baghdad] some mischief-makers came and said something to the effect that someone has come from ‘Akká to Baghdad to promote [the Bahá’í teachings]. I gave them reply saying, ‘It is Áqá Mírzá Áqá, one of my cousins. I have personally invited him to visit the Holy Places and to come and meet me. Do not interfere in this matter.’”

We embraced warmly and said farewell and I left. [p. 350] As I left the house, I found the ‘Arab Bahá’ís gathered, worried, around the house of the venerable Mírzá. When they saw me, they were relieved. “What are you doing?” I asked. “We became worried because you took so long. We were thinking all sorts of things. Being distressed, we left our residence and gathered around the house of the honored Mírzá waiting for you.” “That was not necessary,” I replied. I returned with my friends to our residence. The same day we left for Baghdad and Basrah and eventually reached Búshihr.

Chapter 12 Troubles in Ábádih

The Ábádih incident is also told by Áqá Mírzá Qábil Ábádi’i in his valuable unpublished history, Táríkh Ábádih va Tavabi‘, (147 pages in the author’s hand, chapter “The Sixth Event”, pages 40–55), henceforth referred to as Qábil. There are some additional notable details provided by Qábil, as well as some differences between his version and the present document by Mírzá Habíbu’lláh. To the extent practical, these are noted below. For a biography of Mírzá ‘Abbás Qábil, see Sulaymání, Masábíh Hidáyat, vol. 2, pp. 182–234.

Arrival of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín [p. 350:11] Subsequent to the Afnán’s return to Búshihr in AH 1313 [1895], he remained in that city for only a few days before proceeding to Shíráz. He arrived during the governorship of Muḥammad-Taqí Mírzá, the Ruknu’d-Dawlih, was greeted by the friends, and settled at his residence where the believers warmly welcomed him. Having been away for several years, old friendships were revived, and the gatherings were infused with a new vigor. After a few months, Mashhadí Ḥusayn arrived from Ábádih, and having renewed their acquaintance, at his insistence, Núri’d-Dín [and his family] left for Ábádih.

Under the feudalistic system of the time, the Afnáns were among the affluent landlords, owning many properties throughout Fárs, including homes, farms, and other properties in Ábádih (Abú’l-Qásim Afnán, private communication, August 1995).

Furúghí in Shíráz

A few months later, Áqá Mírzá Mahmúd Furúghí arrived in Shíráz by way of Búshihr. En route he had became a travel companion of Siyyid Muḥammad A‘lamu’l-‘Ulamá, [known as] the Mujtahid Búshihrí and the Thaqatu’l-Islám, who was a brother of Áqá Najaf Isfahání, and [in the course of their conversations,] he grew cognizant that Furúghí was a Bahá’í. As a handsome prize, this news was brought by him to the circle of the ‘ulamá of Shíráz who were told, “A prophet of these people [Bahá’ís] has arrived in Shíráz.” He provided exact details, and each of the ‘ulamá was told of the depth of Furúghí’s knowledge and achievements, and was duly warned of his presence in the city.

For a biography see Balyúzí, Eminent Bahá’ís in the Time of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 156–70, and Sulaymání, Masábíh Hidáyat, vol. 3, pp. 417–83.

In Bahá’u’lláh’s Writings he is referred to as “the son of the wolf.”

Unable to contain his zeal and enthusiasm, on his arrival the celebrated Furúghí began organizing many Bahá’í gatherings. Each day, a large number of the friends would assemble in various homes [to partake of this spiritual sustenance]. Soon, reports of these activities were sent to the ‘ulamá, which prompted them to cause sedition. They immediately sent a message to the Ruknu’d-Dawlih, stating in essence, “A teacher of these people [Bahá’ís] has come to Shíráz and is deceiving the citizens [into joining the Bahá’í Faith]. He must be summarily arrested and punished as a lesson to others.” The governor-general was thus compelled into issuing orders for Furúghí’s arrest.

The news of the ‘ulamá’s schemes and the collusion of the governor reached Furúghí that day as he participated in a large Bahá’í gathering in the home of Áqá Muḥammad-Ḥasan Khayyát [tailor]. After consultation with the friends, it was decided that, in the company of a trusted guide, Furúghí should leave Shíráz for Ábádih. For this mission, Mashhadí ‘Abbás, a keen, righteous and agile man, was chosen, and that very night they left the city.

The governor, however, learning of their exit, immediately sent several officers in their pursuit, and on the way to Zarqán he was intercepted and apprehended. Furúghí was brought back to the governor’s orchard, and the Ruknu’d-Dawlih was informed of his arrest. The governor came from the Ark to the orchard where the captive was kept. He was, however, charmed and won over by Furúghí and ordered his Tufangdár-Báshí [the chief gunner] to serve as the host for the captive.

While a guest in his home, [p. 355] Furúghí succeeded in teaching the Faith to his host, who was filled with love and admiration for the Cause. On hearing this, the Ruknu’d-Dawlih was enraged [but took no action].

One day, in the course of a conversation with Furúghí, the governor voiced an insult [to the Bahá’í Faith], which instantly caused his guest to become infuriated, rebuking him, “Know well, O governor, that I possess a mighty serpent, and should it be unleashed, it will devour you and your Ark.” He spoke these words with such authority that the Prince was thoroughly overcome with fear and apologized profusely, assuring him that no offense was intended. Thereupon, Furúghí begun to recite many verses of the Qur’án and the Prophet’s Traditions that further served to deepen the admiration of the governor for his eloquence and learning.

The symbolism is that of Moses’ admonishment to the Pharaoh.

During one of my pilgrimages to the Holy Land, Furúghí was also present, and he related for me:

One day in my absence, the Prince Ruknu’d-Dawlih asked Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís if he were acquainted with me. The Shaykh denied knowing me. Later when the Shaykh was not present, the governor asked me if I knew Abú’l-Ḥasan Mírzá Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís. I replied, “Yes, I know him well.”

Since ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had instructed Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís to conceal his faith, he had denied association with a well-known believer in order to safeguard his own precarious situation.

It so happened that on the following day, we both were in the presence of the Prince, and he remarked, “O venerable Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, it is puzzling that you deny knowing Áqá Mírzá Mahmúd, when he states categorically that he knows you well. What is the meaning of this?” I quickly understood the wisdom exercised by the Shaykh and without a moment’s hesitation, interjected, “The esteemed Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís had stated that he does not know me because he has forgotten our previous meeting. However, if he would recall, one day we both were attending my father’s class, and in the course of conversation, the Shaykh misspoke a word that made my father angry, causing him to throw his water-pipe at him. Therefore, it stands to reason that he would not remember me.”

The Shaykh promptly realized that I had spoken in a manner to cover his mistake and replied, “Yes, of course! You must forgive my lapse of memory. You are the son of the late Shaykh Muḥammad Dúgh-Ábádí. Now I remember. Your late father was a man of unsurpassed merits and knowledge, and the esteemed Furúghí is likewise truly unparalleled in erudition and scholarship. But, alas, such men are not appreciated in this country and are only known to the keenest of men.”

One of the foremost early Bábí–Bahá’ís, he was a survivor of the battle of Shaykh Tabarsí and served with distinction and renown in Khurásán; for a biography see Rabbani, The Voice of Heroes: Genesis of the Bahá’í Faith in Khurásán.

In all events, for a period of time, Furúghí stayed in Shíráz at the home of the Tufangdár-Báshí. Eventually, the Prince informed him one day that he was free to leave town in whatever direction he wished. Furúghí replied, “I desire to go to Tihrán by way of Ábádih. The governor offered a mount for the journey, which Furúghí politely refused. Then the Prince ordered his treasurer to give him fifty tumáns, stating, “Kindly use this money towards your journey’s expenses.” “Although I have sufficient funds for this purpose, it is unseemly to reject Your Excellency’s generosity,” and with that he took the money but immediately distributed it among the Prince’s attendants, farráshes, the cook, the Tufangdár-Báshí, and some other servants. Fifteen qarán [p. 360] was left, and he recognized, “Báshmáqchí has also sustained troubles on my behalf,” and offered him the remaining sum. The Ruknu’d-Dawlih was filled with wonder and admiration by this display of benevolence and magnanimity.

Farrásh: Literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman

At last, he left accompanied by two of the Prince’s soldiers who were instructed to provide protection as far as Zarqán. Furúghí related for me:

These two soldiers only had a single gun between them, and en route I heard them comment to one another, “This Akhúnd is a Bábí, and it is best that we kill him from behind.” On hearing their whisper, I realized they were set on murdering me. When we reached a brook, I asked my attendant, Mashhadí ‘Abbás, to prepare tea, and I began to converse with the two soldiers. While they were busy talking, suddenly, I seized the gun, held the barrel while threatening them with its butt, saying, “If you dare, just come closer! You may think that I am just an akhúnd and that you can kill me. But you are wrong; I am a Khurásaní and can defend myself against a hundred like you!”

Realizing that I had the upper hand, the soldiers begun to apologize for their misdeed, and when we reached Zarqán and met the believers, I returned their gun and gave them a gratuity.

Mischief in Ábádih

After a sojourn of one night, Furúghí departed for Ábádih and arrived at the home of the Afnán. His entry coincided with the wedding of [my eldest brother,] Áqá Siyyid Áqá<74> to the daughter Dá’yí Ḥusayn, and the honored Furúghí presided over the marriage ceremony, which was carried out in accordance with Bahá’í laws. However, on hearing this news, [Mullá Muḥammad-Ḥusayn,] the Imám [Jum‘ih of Ábádih and a brother-in-law of Dá’yí Ḥusayn,] thought he was slighted and remarked that a matrimony according to Bahá’í up was an insult to his office.

Qábil, p. 40, notes that in the company of Núri’d-Dín, Furúghí arrived at Ábádih on 17 Dhi’l-Qa‘dih AH 1313 [30 April 1896]. On the same day, Qábil himself arrived from Yazd. On page 41, Qábil notes that Furúghí had just returned from the Holy Land and in his meetings, urged the friends to steadfastness in the Covenant and avoidance of Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí and other opponents of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.

Qábil, p. 2, notes that he was a son of Karbalá’í Muḥammad-Taqí and surnamed “Bá’yí” [tålmodig] by Bahá’u’lláh.

Ábádih has had a checkered history of Bahá’í persecution. Many of these episodes are described in detail in Qábil. One early incident is told in Mázarandání, Táríkh Zuhúruh’l-Haqq, vol. 5, p. 93.

For several days thereafter, most enjoyable and befitting [Bahá’í] gatherings and assemblies were organized in Ábádih when, suddenly, the news of Nasiri’d-Din Sháh’s assassination reached that region. Simultaneous with this, Siyyid Yahyá Khán Tafríshigar, the Hishmat-Nizám, and two regiments under his command arrived [from Tihrán] in Ábádih on their way to Shíráz. The akhúnds seized this opportunity and persuaded the Hishmat-Nizám to act against the Bahá’ís. Consenting to their request, he ordered his men to encircle the residence of the Afnán and to arrest the household, considering this seizure would yield great benefits. They intended to arrest Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín Afnán; Áqá Siyyid Áqá Afnán; Áqá Mírzá Diyá’ Afnán; Furúghí; Hájí ‘Alí Khán; Dá’yí Ḥusayn; Mírzá ‘Atau’lláh Khán Siráju’l-Hukamá [the lamp of physicians]; Áqá Mírzá Ḥusayn; Qábil [Ábádi’i]; and some other believers.

The monarch’s assassination by Mírzá Ridá Kirmání took place on 19 April 1896.

Qábil, p. 42, notes that the Imám-Jum‘ih connived with a number of other clerics in presenting the Bahá’ís as the Sháh’s murderers and as engaged in preparation of warfare against the state. This accusation caused the Ruknu’d-Dawlih to become particularly apprehensive of the situation. According to Qábil, the Hishmat-Nizám was ordered by the governor to remain in Ábádih to ensure the security of the region and if necessary, to seize and imprison the Bahá’í leadership

[p. 365] Fortunately, the Imám’s sister [Bíbí Bagum Ján] overheard their discussions and quickly informed her sister, the wife of Dá’yí Ḥusayn, “[Our brother] the Imám and the Hishmat-Nizám are planning to arrest the Afnán and a number of other [Bahá’ís]. It is best for them to leave quickly and not be here when the gunmen arrive for this purpose.”

That day, it so happened that Furúghí, the Afnán, and some others were the guests of Hájí ‘Alí Khán. At once, Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s wife informed the Afnán of the mischief that was brewing.

The soldiers came to Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s home and failing to find the believers, were led by the rabble to Hájí ‘Alí Khán’s residence. On gaining their destination, without any warning, two of the men entered the dwelling where they found the honored gentlemen [Bahá’ís] gathered around a table in the midst of garden and Furúghí, with his striking figure and enchanting voice, occupied in chanting the Holy Verses. The soldiers noted that Mullá Ḥusayn who was a brother of the Qádí, the Afnán, Furúghí, Hájí ‘Alí Khán, and Dá’yí Ḥusayn were present. They said to Áqá Mírzá Mahmúd [Furúghí], “Our master has summoned you.” However, Hájí ‘Alí Khán and Dá’yí Ḥusayn advised Furúghí not to heed their request, but that instead they would go with the men to determine what was being planned. Eventually, Hájí ‘Alí Khán and Dá’yí Ḥusayn convinced the soldiers that they would go with them instead.

Qábil, p. 43, gives the date of this event as 1 Dhi’l-Ḥájíih AH 1313 [14 May 1896].

When they arrived at the residence of the Hishmat-Nizám, he instructed his men to detain these two and to return for the arrest of Furúghí as well. The recruits carried out this order and disrespectfully and insolently brought Furúghí before their commander. Upon arrival, Furúghí spoke softly and confidently, but as the Hishmat-Nizám was partially deaf, he did not understand his words and spoke in a harsh and impertinent tone. Noting that the Hishmat-Nizám was particularly hearing-impaired and unaware, Furúghí produced a letter in the hand of the Ruknu’d-Dawlih ordering all the officials and chieftains of the region to show utmost respect and consideration towards the person of Mírzá Mahmúd [Furúghí]. Seeing this command, the Hishmat-Nizám ordered two of his soldiers to accompany the Furúghí out of city for a distance of two days’ journey and to abandon him there. Thus, he was expelled from Ábádih, and once having reached two days’ journey north of town, the two soldiers stripped him of his possessions, including his clothing. For two days and two nights, desolate, hungry, and cold, Furúghí was stranded in the outlying mountainsides of Ábádih.

Hájí ‘Alí Khán and Dá’yí Ḥusayn were freed after being compelled to pay a fine of one hundred and fifty tumáns. Qábil was severely beaten with sticks, incarcerated for two days and two nights, and once freed, fled to Yazd.

Qábil, p. 47, indicates that these two men remained in the prison for the duration of the troubles. The same source, page 50, indicates that the fine was 300 tumáns.

Qábil, pp. 45–47, gives a detailed account of a severe beating that he received during this period. Further, in pages 49–50, he gives the details of his presentation to the Hisámu’s-Saltanih on 22 May, implying that he must have been in prison for the duration of the troubles. On page 51, Qábil gives the exact date of his departure for Yazd as two hours into the night of 12 Dhi’l-Ḥájíih [25 May].

The Imám continued to pressure the Hishmat-Nizám into further action, particularly the arrest of Áqá Mírzá Áqá and his two sons, by saying, “Áqá Mírzá Áqá is the chief of Bahá’ís and must be apprehended. [p. 370] Tomorrow, I will arrange for ‘Askar Khán Súrmuqí and his hired guns to join your soldiers in attacking the home of Dá’yí Ḥusayn and seizing Áqá Mírzá Áqá and his sons, Áqá Siyyid Áqá and Mírzá Díyá’. Once they are arrested, you can readily reduce all the rest and win their possessions.” Exceedingly pleased with this plan and proposal, the Hishmat-Nizám left its execution to the Imám.

Three hours into that night, Bíbí Bagum Ján, the Imám’s sister, again quickly took the news to her sister, the wife of Dá’yí Ḥusayn, “Our perfidious brother, the Imám, has plotted against Áqá Mírzá Áqá, his sons, and your husband. In secret I have come here to inform you so that tomorrow, they may not be here.” On hearing this intelligence, the wife of Dá’yí Ḥusayn proceeded to the residence of the Afnán and informed him of the fate that awaited them. Áqá Mírzá Áqá asked where could they hide since he was not familiar with the town. She responded, “Our neighbor, Áqá Ḥasan, though not a Bahá’í, is a virtuous man, and his house has a turret in which you can hide for a while.” Gaining his consent, she then spoke with Áqá Ḥasan’s wife who also agreed to this arrangement.

At dawn, the Afnán along with Áqá Siyyid Áqá, Áqá ‘Abdul-Hamíd [Gandum-Pákkun], and Dá’yí Ḥusayn took refuge in the above-mentioned turret, but the Afnán’s wife [Maryam-Sulṭán Bagum], and his daughter [Tubá Khánum] and Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s wife stayed behind, bewildered and perplexed as to what awaited them.

The Ordeals of the Afnán Women At the next daybreak, on the instructions of the Hishmat-Nizám, the soldiers led by ‘Askar Khán and his gunmen proceeded to the house of Dá’yí Ḥusayn. They loudly knocked on the door. ‘Abdu’l-Hamíd’s wife who lived next door and on elevated ground, was able to see into the street and recognize the gunmen. She quickly informed the household of Dá’yí Ḥusayn. ‘Askar Khán and the soldiers encircled the house and continued knocking, but when the ladies did not open the door, they entered from the neighbor’s adjoining rooftops. Overcome with fear, the younger lad of the Afnán, Áqá Mírzá Díyá’, who had not accompanied his father, rushed to the rooftop. Áqá Ḥasan’s wife noticed him, called him down, and had him concealed in the basement along with Áqá Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán.

Upon entrance into the residence, on the pretense of searching for the men, the soldiers and ‘Askar Khán plundered the home and took all they could while they spoke every manner of abuse. They searched every room for the men and took all the furnishings. Fearing the gunmen who had overtaken the house, the Afnán’s wife and daughter placed chadors over their heads, covered their faces, and content with the will of God, sat on a platform and busied themselves with reciting prayers for deliverance. My mother related to me:

[p. 375] We were intensely immersed in our imploration and had remained so quiet that the soldiers and the rabble thought that we were actually men hiding under the cover of chadors. After the militia and ‘Askar Khán’s gunmen entered the house, the people of Ábádih, men and women alike, rushed inside as well, and it was only after repeated and forceful protestations by Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s household that the commander of the soldiers instructed his men to shut and bolt the main doorway and prevent any further unauthorized entrance or exit.

Before they could shut the door, however, a thirteen-year-old black maidservant of Dá’yí Ḥusayn, ran inside the house. As she was being chased by the gunmen who were intent on injuring her, she took refuge next to the Afnán’s daughter who was sitting next to her mother. The commander of the soldiers ordered his men to beat the young girl so they could learn from her the whereabouts of the fugitives. As enjoined, the rogues proceeded to beat the child, whose name was Shírín, with clubs and the butt of their guns while barking orders that she must confess the hiding place of the Bahá’í men. During a moment of relief, she threw herself on the knees of the Afnán’s daughter [Tubá], who, no longer able to endure this grotesque scene of injustice and unable to contain her indignation over the assailants’ brutality, shouted back, “Why do you beat this wretched child and make her suffer so? If you are charged to take our lives, then shoot us and be done! What simpleton fools are you to imagine that the men would divulge to us their hiding place?! Sháme on you! Pity on you! Leave this child be!”

On hearing the Afnán’s daughter speak so forcibly, the soldiers withdrew and informed their commander that the two under the chador were womenfolk and decided it was best to leave the house.

‘Askar Khán returned to the Imám and reported, “Our search of the residence failed to discover the [Bahá’í] men, and brutalizing their women produced no result either. What do you suggest?” The Imám stated, “The sole remedy is to capture, torture, and torment the wife and daughter of Áqá Mírzá Áqá who would then tell us the men’s whereabouts. If you do not do so, then our purpose will not be achieved.”

After they had resolved to carry out this plan, once more, the Imám’s sister overheard their conversation and proceeded to the house of Dá’yí Ḥusayn to warn her sister of the impending fate awaiting her guests.

However, on reaching the house, she discovered the entrance was locked and soldiers were guarding the residence. Undaunted and after much pleading and beseeching, they let the brave lady in. She briefed her sister of the situation, stating, “The soldiers were preventing me from entering here, and I had to endure a thousand forms of hardship and difficulties in order to gain admittance and share the news with you, that you might plan for your own situation and that of the ladies in whatever manner you deem appropriate. Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s wife was perplexed as to how to inform the two ladies. Finally, they both went forward and told [p. 380] the wife and daughter of the Afnán [i.e., Maryam-Sulṭán Bagum and Tubá] of what awaited them and advised them immediate escape. In response they said, “We are strangers in this town and do not know our way.” They were told, “You must think of a safe place and leave forthwith for it, as the rabble plan injury and abuse towards you.” The Afnán’s wife stated, “Even if we wanted to flee, doors are locked and the roof guarded by soldiers! No path is left for us to take our flight.”

Finding all avenues closed to them, at this hour of great peril they turned in prayer to the Holy Land and fervently supplicated assistance, “O Blessed Beauty! When we were in your sanctified presence, on many an occasion You told us, ‘We are with you at all times and under all conditions will, Myself, protect My Afnán.’ The time has come for You to look upon us with favor and mercy. We fear not death or bondage, but we implore You not decree for women like us humiliation and assault at the hands of relentless men!” As they prayed, the soldiers continued looting and plundering the rooms and the houses.

Being deeply frightened, Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s twelve-year-old son, Áqá Jalál, was hiding behind a tall shelf. In their hasty search, the soldiers were using bayonets to search behind the shelf when one of them struck the child and split his stomach open. Blood began to gush forth, and they mercilessly brought that child and threw him in the middle of the courtyard. Blood was covering the ground, and his mother and sisters became extremely distraught, wailing loudly and profusely. Seeing the situation, the commander of the armed men sent one of his men to summon a physician by the name of Fúj, so he would sew the injury.

Qábil, p. 53, places this event in the course of the second wave of troubles, that is, after the Hisámu’s-Saltanih’s visit, and on 25 May 1896. Further, he suggests that the lad’s injuries were self-inflicted, which seems rather unlikely.

When the doctor arrived, he said [to the sobbing mother], “I will charge fifty tumáns in advance to stitch his stomach.” The wretched mother cried out, “But I have no cash at home. Please treat his cut, and meanwhile I will raise the money.” The doctor, however, stated, “Until my fee is paid in full, I will not tend to the wound.” Suddenly, the desolate mother remembered an exquisite cashmere shawl [that the soldiers had not managed to find and loot] and gave that to him. [Having been paid in kind,] the doctor thereupon attended the wound and stitched the cut.

Qábil, p. 53, gives the fee as ten tumáns.

Having heard all the commotion as well as the wailing and the sobbing of the mother, the neighborhood’s womenfolk came into the house and gathered in the courtyard. In the midst of her own agonies, Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s wife, however, had the presence of mind to see a perfect opportunity for the wife and the daughter of the Afnán to escape. She told them, “This is a good break to change your chadors and leave among the many women gathered here. No one will recognize you.” [The Afnán’s wife] inquired, “Where are we to go?” “With my maidservant,” she answered, “you can go to the home of Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s second wife.” “If it is a safe place,” she said, “then we will go.” “There is no other choice,” was the response. Quickly she asked them to replace their chadors for older ones common among the villagers and to change their shoes for local wear.

Meanwhile, she appealed to the commander of the soldiers to evacuate the house of the neighborhood’s women so that she could look after her injured son. The commander, having pity on the woman, ordered his men accordingly. As all the women were leaving, the Afnán’s wife and daughter, together with a trusted maidservant [named Tájí], escaped, and thus the invisible hand of the Providence delivered them from the clutches of bloodthirsty wolves. As bidden by Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s wife, they proceeded in haste to the home of the second wife of Dá’yí Ḥusayn—a non-Bahá’í woman.

In the intervening time, after they had helped the [p. 385] injured lad and emptied the house of the neighborhood’s women, unable to find the Afnán women, the soldiers returned to the Imám informing him of the day’s events and the escape of the Shírází women. The Imám instructed them, “Dusk is upon us, and therefore it is best for the soldiers to leave the home [of Dá’yí Ḥusayn] and to resume the search in the morning.”

Upon arrival at the home of the Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s second wife, the women were informed by their hostess, “Since I fear the soldiers’ reprisals and destruction, I can only provide shelter for you until tomorrow morning. Two hours before sunlight, you are to leave this home.” “We are strangers in this land,” they replied, “and do not know where to go. However, we also do not wish to bring any discomfort, or worse yet, danger, upon you. God will assuredly watch over all of us. We only ask that you direct us to a place of safety.” “I do not know where you can go. Go anywhere you please,” was the response of their hostess. The guests were particularly infuriated by this reaction.

Three hours into the night, the daughter of Dá’yí Ḥusayn, who was the wife of Áqá Siyyid Áqá<74>, arrived with her maidservant and the three-year-old son of Mírzá Jalál<75>, the second son of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán. This child had accompanied them from Shíráz and was extremely attached to his grandmother and paternal aunt and upon seeing them, began to cry, “Dear aunt! Since I did not see you when you left, I thought the soldiers had taken you.” After much effort, eventually they were able to calm the child. The four women and the child were wondering where to go next when their hostess came and pressed them to leave by saying, “Have you thought about what you will do? Before tomorrow’s sunrise, you must leave my house.” Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s daughter asked, “Wife of my father! You insist on our leaving, but where should we go?” She responded, “I do not know. Go wherever. I will not allow good Muslims to fall into trouble over the fate of you Bábís!”

Sent by Dá’yí Ḥusayn’s [Bahá’í] wife to inquire after them, at last Tájí arrived and upon asking of their condition was told by the Afnán’s wife, “The lady of the house has told us to leave two hours before sunrise. We do not know what we must do.” Seeing their wretched condition, that trustworthy maidservant [i.e., Tájí] had promised that by the will of God, she would find them a place of safety. She left and returned after two hours informing them that she had secured the home of one of the farmers for their stay. She pledged to come again two hours before dawn to accompany them there, and with that, she returned home and informed the wife of Dá’yí [Ḥusayn].

Consequently, in the middle of the dark night, dressed in their old chadors and shoes and without informing the house-owner, they left for their newly located haven. The appointed house was at the end of an orchard on the outskirts of the village. This house had an upper chamber, with a single entrance, where grapes were dried to make raisins. [p. 390] Such oven-like rooms have low ceilings, are kept extremely dark, have no air circulation, and are most unpleasant. In this room, they were to remain with a three-year-old boy who did not comprehend the gravity of the situation. Once more, Tájí impressed upon them not to make any noise lest they be heard by the neighbors. Locking the door from the outside, she left them to await their destiny. My mother related:

The room was so dark that we were unable to see one another and could not calm the child who was terrified of the darkness and wanted to scream. He kept asking us to let him go out to play as he would on other days. When he saw the door locked, he grew more in agitation. All we could do was to tell him, “Please lower your voice. If the gunmen hear us, they will come, seize us, and take us away.” With this, he would be sufficiently frightened to remain quiet for a little while. However, after a short time, once more, he would plead with us to open the door just so he could see some light, promising that as soon as the soldiers appeared, he would close it again.

Indeed, it is heartrending to imagine the plight of those women and the depth of the poor child’s fear, coupled with not even knowing what may have befallen their innocent men! If one could envision such a scene and if one were endowed with a measure of fairness, one would be filled with remorse over their condition. “The curse of God be upon the wrong-doers.”

Qur’án 7:44.

Hiding some bread, cheese, and a jug of water under her chador, by lunchtime the trusted maidservant, Tájí, returned and was able to alleviate their anxiety over the fate of their men by informing them that they had taken refuge in the mountain caves with some other Bahá’ís and thankfully were safe and well. God willing, I will tell the story of this mountain journey of the Bahá’í men at a later occasion.

Yet again she left, locking the door from the outside and taking the key with her, and the women had to contend with the darkness and the heat of the attic, and a frightened child, though they were relieved over the fate of the men.

Tájí returned an hour after dusk and opened the door, saying, “With the cover of darkness, it is now safe for you to come out to sit on the rooftop and breathe some fresh air.” As they sat on the roof, the farmer came by and greeted them warmly, stating, “From morning until now, I have been most apprehensive—almost at death’s door—fearing that someone would discover your presence on this property. It would be best for you to leave tonight for another location, as it is unsafe to remain here.”

Once more, the women were bewildered as to where they might take refuge. Despite all the hardship it presented, they had been satisfied with this dark and suffocating attic, but even this was now being denied them. The wife of the Afnán prayed and thought hard what to do, and eventually it occurred to her that perchance Áqá Mírzá ‘Ata’u’lláh Khán, the Siráju’l-Hukamá, would provide a sanctuary for a few days until it became clear what the Almighty had decreed for them.

As such, once more Tájí was sent on this errand, and [p. 395] she briefed the wife of Áqá Mírzá ‘Ata’u’lláh Khán of the situation. In turn, she conveyed the details to the Siráju’l-Hukamá and asked, “The Afnán’s wife has conveyed a message wishing to take refuge here. How am I to respond?” “Of course, they may!” stated the Siráju’l-Hukamá, “Reply at once that they are most welcome. My house is like their very own. Here they will be safe, and no harm will come to them, as the people of Ábádih desperately need my [medical] services and will show no disrespect toward my guests.”

Hearing this reply through the same trusted maidservant, dressed in the old chadors again, the ladies set out for the home of the Siráju’l-Hukamá where they were received with the utmost affection and made comfortable at long last. When they inquired after the [Bahá’í refugee] men, their host described their situation thus:

After they had spent the day in Áqá Ḥasan’s turret, some of the friends from Dirghúk [village] led by ‘Abbás Khán armed themselves and came to Áqá Ḥasan’s residence about seven at night. They attained the presence of the Afnán and informed him, “Your stay in this house is no longer advisable. We will escort you to the hill-country where no one can interfere with us or cause harm.” Consenting to their plan and placing their reliance in God, Áqá Mírzá Áqá, his two sons, Áqá Siyyid Áqá and Áqá Mírzá Díyá’, as well as Dá’yí Ḥusayn and Áqá Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán, proceeded with ‘Abbás Khán and other armed believers to the mountainous region of Dirghúk. Once other Bahá’ís, such as Hájí ‘Alí Khán, learned of their whereabouts, they also joined them in this new location.

Qábil, p. 47, indicates that the entire Bahá’í communities of Ábádih, Dirghúk, and Himat-Ábád fled into the mountain fastness.

Áqá Mírzá ‘Abbás Qábil was seized on that very first day and severely beaten with sticks. He was released after two days and two nights of imprisonment, whereupon he fled to Yazd. However, the friends from the surrounding regions of Ábádih are all armed, standing guard around the mountain. They have pleaded with the Afnán [Núri’d-Dín], “Kindly allow us to go into Ábádih and deal with the Imám as we should and punish him and his men as they deserve.” Notwithstanding, Áqá Mírzá Áqá has prevented them, enjoining on the believers to manifest kindness, saying, “Do not permit the least unlawful act to occur. Bahá’u’lláh has charity to all. Whatever the foes may do, we must do the opposite: when they injure us, we must give them remedy; when they feed us bitter draught, we must offer them sweet honey. They are unaware; they are ignorant; they are heedless; they are unable to distinguish good from error. You must fix your gaze upon the exhortations of the Blessed Beauty. Even a small conflict authored by you will enable them to regard you as the source of all ills. Never, never, occasion a wrong, as it will ruin the efforts of all these years.” Through such appeals, he has managed to calm [p. 400] and still their rage.

Qábil, p. 47, indicates that the leader of the armed Bahá’ís, Áqá Haydar-‘Alí Himat-Ábádí, and ‘Abbás Khán Dirghúkí appealed to the two Bahá’í prisoners, Dá’yí Ḥusayn and Hájí ‘Alí Khán, for permission to attack and free them by force. However, noting that ‘Askar Khán and one hundred of his men guarded the prison round the clock, the Bahá’í captives discouraged this effort.

Furúghí’s Fate

After Mírzá Mahmúd Furúghí was compelled to leave Ábádih, the soldiers accompanying him robbed him of all his clothing and possessions, left him stranded two stations outside the town, and triumphantly returned. Furúghí wandered in the wilderness and the mountains for two days and two nights—unclad and hungry—until finally with the greatest difficulty he found his way back to Ábádih. At nighttime he arrived in town and proceeded directly to the home of Hájí ‘Alí Khán, where he discovered the front gate locked and, therefore, with enormous struggle managed to gain entrance through a brook that ran through the property’s wall. Thoroughly drenched in mud and dirt, he came inside and was met by the widow of Hájí Muḥammad-Ismá‘íl Dhabíh and her daughter who was the wife of Hájí ‘Alí Khán. They immediately took him inside, provided him with a change of clothing, and washed and dried his garments while he ate. He then inquired after the Afnán, Hájí ‘Alí Khán, and the rest of the friends and upon hearing of their whereabouts insisted in joining them that very night in the mountains. Subsequently, led by a trusted attendant, he set out for the mountain locations where the Bahá’ís had gathered. The Afnán used to relate:

Presumably, a reference to Siyyid Ismá‘íl Zavari’í, surnamed Dhabíh; see Balyúzí, Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, pp. 132–34, and Taherzadeh, Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, vol. 1, pp. 101–3.

We were all exceedingly elated with the arrival of the much-esteemed Furúghí and circled lovingly around him. For us, it was as if the mountain had turned into the throne of sovereignty and the air now had the savor of the everlasting paradise. Such depth of ethereal spirituality stirred within us that indeed it is indescribable. For a whole day and night we were in his presence in the mountains. In the course of our consultations, however, we decided that it was best for Furúghí to proceed to Yazd. Therefore, I purchased for him one of Áqá Ḥusayn Dirghúkí’s horses and arranged for other provisions for his journey. He left in the company of an able servant.

Qábil, p. 55, gives the date of Furúghí’s arrival in Yazd as 28 Dhi’l-Ḥájíih [10 June].

Subsequently, we consulted and agreed that staying indefinitely in the mountains would not serve any purpose and that a potent remedy was needed. As such, we decided unanimously to cable the details to the office of the Prime Minister in Tihrán as well as the Ruknu’d-Dawlih in Shíráz. The text of these cablegrams were prepared and dispatched to Ábádih where the Bahá’í womenfolk of Ábádih, Dirghúk, and Himat-Ábád were asked to proceed collectively to the Telegraph Office to dispatch these cables.

About three hundred Bahá’í ladies assembled at the Telegraph Office and presented the cable to the Zál Khán Shírází, who was the head of the Telegraph Office and was a particularly evil and vicious man, and also a devoted ally and collaborator of the Imám and the Hishmat-Nizám. He had taken the telegram and collected the corresponding fee, but had actually refused to transmit the cable. Instead, he had sent a vituperative report against the believers, filled with falsities.

Qábil, pp. 47–48, indicates this event took place on 7 Dhi’l-Ḥájíih [20 May 1896] and that the group of 500 Bahá’í women from Ábádih and Himat-Ábád were led by the Siraju’l-Hukamá, ‘Abbás Khán’s wife, and Hájí ‘Alí Khán’s wife.

Realizing Zál Khán’s nefarious intentions, the womenfolk informed us in the mountain strongholds. I said to the believers, “Now that Ábádih is proving a disappointment, we will try through Yazd.” I wrote a detailed account of the happenings to Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Taqí Afnán, the Vakílu’d-Dawlih, in Yazd [p. 405], requesting his immediate assistance in transmitting this report, and immediately dispatched it with a special messenger. In this letter, it was explained that numerous attempts had been made to cable Tihrán and Shíráz, but Zál Khán had prevented their issue and instead had transmitted false reports.

Upon the arrival of our account in Yazd, Hájí Vakílu’d-Dawlih informed the Prime Minister in Tihrán, who in turn cabled the Ruknu’d-Dawlih in Shíráz with instructions to instantly summon the Hishmat [-Nizám] and his men to Shíráz and to prevent the rabble from mischief. The Ruknu’d-Dawlih complied fully with these instructions and commanded the Hishmat to proceed to Shíráz. With his departure, the Imám [Jum‘ih] had no other accomplices, and once more peace and tranquility returned to the town of Ábádih.

Qábil, p. 54, indicates that he arrived in Yazd on 16 Dhi’l-Ḥájíih [29 May] and briefed the Vakílu’d-Dawlih of the events. Thereupon, a telegram was sent to Tihrán, and on the following day a cable was received from the Prime Minister’s office:
Response to the invånarna of Ábádih: [Attention of] the illustrious Ruknu’d-Dawlih: Why has Mírzá Siyyid Yahyá Khán, [the Hishmat-Nizám,] the commander of the Hamadání forces, through the instigation of the mischievous Imám-Jum‘ih of Ábádih and in collaboration with the scoundrel Zál Khán of the Telegraph Office, caused such tumult in Ábádih? And why have they caused the citizens of that region to be scattered on the mere accusation of being Bahá’ís, and plundered their possessions and properties, slain or injured a number of them, and yet again extracted fines from some others? Of a certainty, Siyyid Yahyá Khán must move at once from Ábádih, and all the confiscated properties and possessions must be returned to their rightful owners and peace must be re-established.

Once the believers in the mountain shelter were informed of the restoration of order in the city, the Afnán, Dá’yí Ḥusayn, and Hájí ‘Alí Khán returned to Ábádih and reclaimed their homes, while Áqá Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán, ‘Abbás Khán, and some others continued to remain in the mountains. The Afnán proceeded directly to the residence of the Siráju’l-Hukamá, where other members of his family were tarrying, and after expressing their deep gratitude to their host for his hospitality, they regained their own dwelling.

About the same time, on his way from Tihrán to his newly appointed office in Búshihr, the esteemed Prince [Hájí Abú’l-Nasír Mírzá] Hisámu’s-Saltanih [II], a son of Sulṭán-Murád Mírzá, the Hisámu’s-Saltanih [I], came to Ábádih. Upon arrival, because of their previous friendship and association, he went to the residence of Áqá Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán, known as Báqh Kuláh-Farangí [the European-hat orchard], a most pleasant and verdant orchard. Upon hearing of his whereabouts and the reason for his sojourn to the mountains, the Prince sent word that he should return to Ábádih. Áqá Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán, therefore, returned and described for the Prince all the brutalities of the Hishmat-Nizám, the atrocities and savageries of the Imám, the Qádí, and Zál Khán of the Telegraph Office. Moved deeply on hearing these details, the Prince immediately cabled the Office of the Prime Minister in Tihrán, requesting measures to be taken in order to restore security to Fárs—a request that was granted immediately.

He had received the same title as his father, and therefore the notations “I” and “II” are used to differentiate between the two. For a biography, see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, pp. 70–71.

Qábil, p. 48, gives the date of his arrival as 9 Dhi’l-Ḥájíih [22 May 1896].

Not to be confused with a name of the famous building in Shíráz that for a long period served as the residence of the governor-general of Fárs.

Qábil, pp. 50–51, states that with departure of the Hisámu’s-Saltanih II from Ábádih, the Hishmat-Nizám decided to renew mischief and planned on the murder of Qábil. However, the latter was informed of this plot and fled to Yazd in the middle of night.

As such, the troubles in Ábádih were concluded, and peace was restored once more. After a few more months’ stay, the Afnán went to Yazd to complete some business transactions with Hájí Mírzá Áqá Afnán. Some time later, he returned to Shíráz.

A.Q. Afnán maintains that this journey took place prior to the events of Ábádih (private communication, December 1997).

Malmirí, Khátirát Malmirí, p. 126, indicates that Núri’d-Dín remained in Ábádih for a year.

Chapter 13 Profile of Turmoil: Spring 1903 The Journey of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, [Surnamed] Núri’d-Dín, from Shíráz—His Second Journey to the Holy Land

[p. 409:7] In 1316 A.H. [1898], ‘Abdu’l-Bahá summoned the Afnán to the Holy Land. He departed from Shíráz in the company of Maryam-Sultán Bagum, Túbá Khánum, and Mírzá Díyá’u’d-Dín and arrived in the Holy Land. [p. 410] They had the bounty of dwelling for a month under the canopy of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s favors where each day they drank their fill from the chalice of their Beloved’s infinite munificence and partook of the honor of being in His presence.

At the conclusion of the month’s stay, congruent with ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s command, the Afnán went to Port Said, as Hájí Mírzá Buzurg and this servant [Mírzá Habíbu’lláh] were residing in that town. My mother, sister, and brother, Hájí Mírzá Díyá’u’d-Dín, accompanied my father, the Afnán. In that town, we were engaged in commerce.

We remained in Port Said for three years when, once more in accordance with ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s command, we returned to Fárs to serve and protect the Blessed House of the Báb. Our entire family was permitted to travel [again] to the Holy Land and to remain there for some fifteen days. After acquiring spiritual sustenance, consonant with His wish, we returned for a brief period to Port Said and thence proceeded to Shíráz.

When the friends in Shíráz were informed of the safe transfer of the Báb’s sacred remains from Tihrán to the Holy Land and their interment on Mount Carmel, the celebrated Hájí Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís penned a poem in [1900], 1318 A.H. which marked that blessed date and submitted it to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s presence. This offering won His high praise. …

The remains of the Báb were interred in His permanent Shrine on Naw-Rúz 1909. For the history of events leading to this interment, see, Rabbani, “Efforts to Preserve the Remains of the Báb: Four Historical Accounts.”

The text on page 412 quotes five lines of this poem that are not rendered into English in the present translation. The concluding verse gives the date of this event, [1909], 1327, as the numerical value of the phrase “Hadíratu’l-Qudsí.”

Similarly, at the time when the arch–Covenant-breaker [Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí] had hoisted the standard of violation, Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís composed a missive in Arabic and a poem in Persian and sent them to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s presence as well. These two documents are truly enchanting, and upon their consideration, one perceives the depth of certitude, faith, and purity of intent of this peerless and evanescent believer. …

The text on pages 413–15 contains a copy this missive and poem, which have not been reproduced in this translation.

Filled with joy and spirit, the Afnán arrived in Shíráz on [30 November 1901], 18 Shá‘bán 1319 A.H., with this servant and my brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, [and the womenfolk of our family,] in his company. We attained the presence of the friends of the Merciful, and regular weekly gatherings were organized, where all the believers would come together in the utmost enthusiasm and unity. Moreover, with great order and undiminished wisdom, the friends would visit the Blessed House of the Báb and place their brows in humility on the Threshold of that Sacred Edifice.

In the year A.H. 1320 [1902], while in Tihrán, the exalted Navváb [Prince] Malik Mansúr Mírzá, the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih, was appointed governor-general of the province of Fárs. He arrived in Shíráz with a large retinue, entourage, and a regiment of soldiers, exhibiting princely splendor and authority.

Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, pp. 28–29, indicates that he was first appointed governor-general of Fárs in A.H. 1318 [1900]. See appendix 3 for a Tablet of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá about this governor’s potential.

As result of his high standing, policies, and rule, Shíráz was quiet, and freedom reigned throughout the region. Meetings and Bahá’í gatherings were [regularly] organized in the utmost radiance. Áqá Mírzá Jalál Zarqání and ‘Andalíb were steadfastly engaged in teaching the Cause. There was no hint of disturbance, and Bahá’í congregations and assemblies met routinely, particularly the meetings held in the homes of the Báshíru’s-Sultán or Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Ridá Khán, where the celebrated Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís would grace the assemblage with his presence and all would benefit from his vast erudition.

It went thus until towards the end of the year when certain troublemakers raised mischief and commotion, and tumult and uproar became sovereign throughout the city.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh’s Injury

It was during this time that this servant was affected by an illness that rendered me bedridden for almost four months. Various physicians were brought in, such as Áqá Mírzá ‘Abdu’lláh Rahmat, who prescribed various odious and bitter medicines. The illness, plus separation from the Holy Land, induced an acute depression. Previously, for twelve years, I had the good fortune of being under the canopy of the Master’s love where my spirit would be rejuvenated through His unceasing favors. But now I found myself in the destitute land of Iran, firmly in the grasp of bloodthirsty wolves, suffering profoundly, and being deeply saddened and agitated because of it.

One day after taking my medicine, I ventured to the roof of the Blessed House [of the Báb] and stood on the same side of the residence that the sacred orange tree planted by His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb] was located. That sanctified tree was in full bloom. I stood there that perchance through the fragrance of the sacred orange tree my soul and my entire being might be revived. I stood facing the tree in the direction of the Holy Land and brought to mind a nineteen-couplet poem by Nabíl Zarandí:

I did not eat the [forbidden] wheat, O Beloved, Then why expulsion from Thy Ridván? If I partook some, it was out of ignorance, I am guilty, remorseful, and repentant. I am a fish far from water, Consumed by Thy separation’s fire.

In the story of Adam and Eve in the Qur’án, chapter 34, it is wheat, not the biblical apple, which is forbidden unto man.

The author cites only these three couplets out of the nineteen.

When I had finished these lines, from the inner quarters of the house of Mírzá Áqá Mír—which along with its larger courtyard is currently part of the Blessed House of the Báb, but at that time was leased and occupied by Mírzá Ahmad Khán, the Khabíru’d-Dawlih—a brick was hurled at me, [p. 420] striking my skull over the right eye. The impact was so severe that the brick broke into many pieces and I fell unconscious.

See Afnán, Memories of the Báb, Bahá’u’lláh, and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, chapter 11 for ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Tablets with regard to the purchase of this house in 1921.

Discovered by my brothers, I was brought down to the courtyard [of the House of the Báb] with my eye swollen shut. Immediately, [my father] the Afnán informed Áqá Mírzá Ḥusayn Jarráh-Báshí [the surgeon], a devoted Bahá’í. After examination he reported, “Currently, applying medicine is not advisable since it is not possible to determine if the eye is lost or if there is still hope of saving it.” He prescribed a mixture of almond oil and egg white to be slowly poured over the injury. Following his counsel, for three days brick remains were dislodged from my eye until after a week the swelling subsided somewhat, and I was able to open my eyelid a little, although the contours of the cornea and the eyeball were not discernible.

Áqá Mírzá Ḥusayn came to visit and examined my condition, and, noting that I could actually distinguish between light and darkness, he became somewhat confident and pronounced, “This is nothing short of a miracle. It is only through the grace of this Sacred House that your eye has survived! Otherwise, it would have been completely and permanently impaired.” Again, he repeated, “This is an absolute miracle!”

After investigation, it was determined that the assailant was the Khabíru’d-Dawlih’s son from a Kurdish mother. He confessed to the act and said, “[Because he is a Bahá’í,] I hit him on purpose, hoping he would go blind.”

During this period, I was unable to communicate with the Holy Land for forty days. After I had recovered to some degree, I wrote Áqá Siyyid Taqí Manshádí, apologizing for delay in sending missives and explained to him that the delay was because of an injury, describing a little of what had transpired. Manshádí took my letter to the presence of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and described what had occurred. Immediately, from the heaven of His grace and bounty, an exalted and glorious Tablet was revealed in the honor of this servant, which will befittingly adorn the pages of this history:

Shíráz.

The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, Áqá Mírzá Habíbu’lláh, may the Glory of God, the Most Glorious, be upon thee.

He is God.

O thou offshoot of the Tree of Reality! Thou hast been accepted at the court of the true Beloved, admitted at the threshold of the divine Physician, and become a sign of the favors of Sanctified God. This hath been achieved by virtue of your being persecuted and maltreated at the hands of the oppressors and harassed by the ignorant. A rock thrown by the foes has left a mark on thine eye and brow, but this loss is a mighty gain. Though this rock will remain a blot on the oppressors, it is evidence of the discernment and refinement of that affectionate wronged one. It has been said, “Whatever grows on earth and is verdant and alive will be stoned; haply, they may partake of its fruit.” In the Qur’ánic Dispensation it was a custom of the mu’adhdhins to cover their ears with their hands, as at the beginning of God’s Faith, when the call of the adhán was raised, the mu’adhdhin was stoned from all directions. Therefore, whoever announced the adhán would raise both hands to his ears to protect his head from the stones of ill-fated.

The Moslem official of a mosque who summons the faithful to prayer from a minaret five times a day.

This hardship thou hast endured in the path of fidelity and this affliction and suffering hath been sustained because of thy love for the One Single God. Therefore, render thanks unto thy Lord, that thou didst attain unto this great favor and become aided and confirmed therein.

Convey my greetings unto thy father, the Afnán of the Sacred Tree, and likewise to all your brothers and to the blessed leaves.

Praise and salutation be upon thee. ‘A. ‘A.

INBMC 52:366, no. 410.

The Passing of Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan in A.H. 1320 [1902]

[p. 425] In the year 1320 A.H. [1902], the passing of Hájí Abú’l-Ḥasan, father of Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán [Dihqán], occurred. During the early part of this history, and then later, his loving mention was made extensively, and the excellence of his character, the depth of his devotion, and the troubles he sustained were noted. Now I wish to record the incident and injury that led to his passing, as an example of devotion unto all.

The Hájí had a particular j towards [my father] the Afnán and twice weekly, that is, on Mondays and Fridays, would come visit the Blessed House of the Báb and meet the Afnán. At that time, the Hájí was more than ninety years of age.

One day, his journey passed by the vicinity of the home of Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar Fál-Asírí, whose malicious deeds were mentioned in the course of the martyrdom of the illustrious Murtidá and the incident of Muḥammad-Qásim Khán, and are recorded in the pages of history. The henchmen under the command of the Siyyid saw the Hájí [Abú’l-Ḥasan] and, after having severely abused that bright and spiritually resplendent old man, took him to the Siyyid’s home. On being informed, that unenlightened Siyyid came forth to the front-court of his dwelling and with his cane brutally injured the victim. [As a result,] the Hájí became unconscious and was thrown into the streets by the same coarse mercenaries. Several farráshes of the Qavámu’l-Mulk happened upon the Hájí and, recognizing him, carried this old man to the home of Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán and left after receiving a gratuity. The household immediately informed Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán [Dihqán], who came and attended to his injured father.

Farrásh: Literally a carpet-spreader;   attendant and footman.

From that date, his son prevented him from leaving the residence, and within a few months, on Jamádiyu’l-Avval of 1320 A.H. [August 1902], he passed away and was buried in Háfiziyyih.

Withdrawal of Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih

In the same year, another incident occurred that caused general commotion and resulted in insult to Hájí Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís in the name of the Cause and this community, and the details are these:

A year into the governorship of Prince Malik Mansúr Mírzá, the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih, in Shíráz, while affairs were unfolding most harmoniously, certain insidious elements were eager to find an excuse to instigate trouble and gradually began provocations. The citizens were divided into two factions: a large contingent who, in support of the Prince, assembled at the telegraph office, and a second group, led by Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, centered in Masjid Naw and [Masjid] Sháh-Chiráq, intent on mischief. Hájí Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, for reasons of certain central authorities’ consideration, and also by virtue of his kinship, championed the Prince. The much-respected Shaykh Yahyá, the Imám-Jum‘ih, together with a number of the seminarians, nobles, merchants, and shopkeepers congregated in the telegraph office and raising tents and shelters, camped in that location. The other ‘ulamá, such as, Áqá Mírzá Ibráhím Mahallátí, and certain others, followed the Qavám and made Masjid Naw their place of assembly.

Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 4, pp. 156–57, indicates that Malik Mansúr Mírzá, being among the most affluent Iranians with an enormous annual stipend, planned to seize Bazaar Vakíl and the shops around the Karím Khán’s quarter. However, these belonged to the Qavám family, who induced a popular uprising that resulted in the Prince’s being recalled from his post.

This incident was a perfect excuse for nefarious constituents to fuel the fire of uproar and enmity and to poison people’s thoughts [against the Bahá’í Faith], and this they particularly achieved through the sermons that Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís had delivered, the texts of which were transcribed and disseminated broadly. They contrived a plot to noise abroad that “Hájí Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís is a Bábí, aiming to corrupt the masses and lead them away from the straight path into waywardness and ignorance!”

Using a large sum made available by [p. 430] Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, and the religious rulings of Áqá Mírzá Ibráhím Mahallátí and other ‘ulamá, as well as the influence of the merchants and the rabble, they encouraged and provoked the people. Each day, gangs of youth, vulgar characters, and rabble carrying sticks, clubs, pistols, and guns would roam the bazaars and streets, and forcibly close any shop that was opened. They constantly incited all citizens to tumult and would not shy away from using unseemly language and insult to achieve their means. In addition, a group of Ághivlí and Bayát womenfolk armed with sticks marched every day through the city and shouted obscenities against Hájí Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís and the Prince, and would curse and insult them on allegation of being Bábís. They also would clamor and shout out slogans, impelling and demanding the injury and slaying of all Bahá’ís!

Two Turkish tribesn of Fárs.

This tumult continued for nearly four months, during which time all the Bahá’ís lost hope of life and possessions. At the beginning of the month of Safar 1321 A.H. [circa 29 April 1903], a telegraph announcing the dismissal of the Prince from the office was received from Tihrán. Disappointed with the turn of events, the Prince decided it best to conceal the news, since it would be a grievous stain on his prestige, and instead ordered the cannons fired [as a sign of celebration], proclaiming that Tihrán’s telegraph promoted him to a new appointment as an independent governor. Upon hearing the roar of the cannons, the opposition that had gathered in the Masjid Naw fled, while the ‘ulamá concealed themselves under their ‘abás and went into hiding in their own homes. None was left in the Masjid Naw and Sháh-Chiráq. Later that night, after it was determined that the adversary had vacated its position, the Prince, in the company of Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís and his household and staff, departed for Tihrán.

The following afternoon, on learning that the Prince was dismissed from the office and had quit the city, peace and tranquility became the norm. The Qavámu’l-Mulk let it be known, “Our purpose was to effect the impeachment of the Prince and the ousting of Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, and none other. No one is permitted to accuse others of being a ‘Bábí’ or to issue an insult!

From Tihrán, the Prince Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih, who was the head of the telegraph office [and a Bahá’í], was appointed the city’s mayor, with Mírzá Ahmad Khán, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, as the governor-general.

The Governorship of ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih

In the year 1321 A.H. 1321 [1903], the uproar of Isfahán and the incident of the Russian Consulate took place, which soon engulfed Yazd, and the details surely must have been recorded in the history of Isfahán and Yazd. The fury of that episode was also felt in Fárs. At that time, Mírzá Ahmad Khán, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, was the governor-general.

A.Q. Afnán states: “From the beginning of Rabí‘u’l-Avval of 1321 A.H. [28 May–27 June 1903], the clamor of malice and enmity was noised abroad throughout many towns of Iran. It that same year, more than eighty destitute Bahá’ís were martyred in Yazd, and the earth of that region was reddened and ennobled with the blood of these souls. Contemporaneously, out of fear of the perfidiousness of Áqá Najafí and the treachery of Zillu’s-Sultán, the friends of God in Isfahán took refuge in the Russian Consulate” (private communication, September 1997).

[Ahmad Khán] was a powerful regent, and under his command order once again ruled throughout Fárs, as everyone was particularly apprehensive of his wrath. The governor himself would personally deliberate on all the affairs of the province.

Based on his father’s recollections, A.Q. Afnán writes (private correspondence, September 1997): From the beginning of his regime, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih had the custom that he would devote Saturdays to investigating the complaints of various Shírázís, such as merchants, nobles, and shopkeepers. The rest of the week, he would spend on other matters pertaining to the administration of the province. Since he was a capable, yet severe and heartless person, and was particularly known for his foulmouthed expressions, people were deeply frightened of him and would try not to create a circumstance that would require his intervention. His other custom was that all complaints had to be presented in writing, whereupon the text would be read aloud in his presence and he would order the immediate summoning of parties and an investigation, and then he would pronounce decisions. On occasion, he would delegate the task of inquiry to others, such as the ‘ulamá or the dignitaries, who had to report their findings on the following Saturday, at which time, he would issue the final ruling in the presence of both parties. He also had the habit of immediately enforcing his decision and punishing the guilty, and if he found the initial complaint to be invalid, often it was noted that he would force the petitioner to eat his entreaty and to receive a beating.

When the news of the occurrences of Isfahán and Yazd reached Shíráz, the governor increased his vigilance to ensure that similar acts were not perpetrated in his realm. In this regard, he had the confidence and support of: Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk; Habíbu’lláh Khán Bíglar-Baykí; Prince Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih; Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Amír-Panjih [commander] of the Farídání regiment, [known as the Mu‘azamu’d-Dawlih]; and Colonel Ahmad-Qulí Khán. These men were aligned with the governor in ensuring that no protest would be aired.

Many of the upper echelon of the administrative machinery of Fárs were Bahá’ís, and it continued that way throughout much of the Constitutional Revolution. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá confirms the same in His 23 July 1912 talk, “...a Bahá’í may hold a political office and be interested in politics of the right type. Ministers, state officials, and governor-generals in Persia are Bahá’ís, and there are many other Bahá’ís holding governmental positions...” (The Promulgation of Universal Peace, p. 238).

In the midst of this, reports of the events of Zarqán were received. That is, Akhúnd Mullá ‘Alí-Akbar Zarqání had provoked the populace of that town to attack and severely injure Ustád Ahmad Malikí-Dúz [the shoemaker] and to persecute other believers. When this news reached Shíráz, Áqá Mírzá Jalál Zarqání, son of Mullá ‘Abdu’lláh Biká’, who was previously mentioned in these pages, decided to protect the Cause. In consultation with ‘Andalíb and certain others, they wrote a petition to the governor-general beseeching equity, [p. 435] complaining of the sufferings and anguish of Bahá’ís at the hand of unjust people.

This appeal was written without the Afnán’s knowledge and given to Áqá ‘Alí-Akbar Khádim [the attendant] to present to the governor. In the morning, the governor was at the Khúrshíd palace, and a number of the ‘ulamá, merchants, dignitaries, and shopkeepers of Shíráz were present as well. Áqá ‘Alí-Akbar presented the envelope [containing the supplication] directly to the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, who handed it to his confidant and private secretary, Áqá Mírzá Qásim Khán, the Ásifu’l-Mulk, who was a brother of Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán, the Mu‘tami’d-Díván, and instructed him, “Read the letter and to inform us of the details, so we may address the concern of the petitioner.”

One of the devoted Bahá’ís of that era.

He was a Bahá’í, and as such, his brother, though not a believer, had a particular affinity for the Bahá’ís.

After reading the content, the Ásifu’l-Mulk was bewildered and decided it best to conceal the matter and therefore placed the missive back in the envelope, stating, “I will apprise Your Excellency later of this letter.” Growing impatient, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih said stridently, “What is in the plaintiff’s letter and concern?” “It is a missive from the Bahá’ís,” replied the Ásifu’l-Mulk and then proceeded to briefly outline the content. The ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih became cognizant of the nature of the complaint and wrote on the margin of the letter that it should be referred to Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk. Further, he told Áqá ‘Alí-Akbar that the Qavámu’l-Mulk would inform him of the decision.

Immediately, the governor summoned the Qavámu’l-Mulk and stated, “If you know certain of these people [Bahá’ís], admonish them that now is not the time to raise such issues. Prudence is necessary, not open assertion of the rights for Bahá’ís!” In response, the Qavámu’l-Mulk expressed his readiness to undertake the mission and subsequently returned to his duties.

Certain insidious and evil-minded persons in that gathering had learned that the Bahá’ís had submitted such a petition to the governor and as such launched tumult in the streets, neighborhoods, mosques, and other places of gathering. They commenced insult and slander [against the Bahá’í Faith] and spread the details of the occurrences of Isfahán and Yazd throughout the city.

Additionally, they sent a missive to the governor, and using the Bahá’í petition and the freedom of the believers as an excuse, they raised the cry of “Our religion is lost!” All of this resulted in an unruly uproar; tumult reigned throughout Shíráz; and deplorable events were expected.

Meeting with the Qavámu’l-Mulk

On the evening of 4 Rabí‘u’l-Avval [31 May 1903], the Qavámu’l-Mulk sent word through his attendant, ‘Abbás Khán, a deeply devoted and enkindled Bahá’í youth and known as such to his master, the Qavám. That night, about one hour after dusk, ‘Abbás Khán came to the House of the Báb and informed Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán, “I bear the greetings and the best wishes of my master [the Qavámu’l-Mulk]. He asked me to inform you, ‘Today at the Governor’s Ark a common person submitted a petition to the governor in the name and over the signature of Bahá’ís, requesting freedom [for the Bahá’í Faith]. The governor turned the matter over to me, and at your convenience, I wish to meet for an hour with you at my residence in the city.’”

Reference to Mírzá Jalál Zarqání.

The Afnán replied to the message, “I am completely unfamiliar with this event and do not think Bahá’ís would have sent such a petition or made such a request at a time when turmoil has engulfed the city. Perchance, the author intends to cause mischief. Kindly inform his honor the Qavámu’l-Mulk and state that I am bed-ridden and unable to attend his presence. However, my son, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh, will attend on my [p. 440] behalf, and you may disclose your wishes to him.”

During his final months, Núri’d-Dín was attacked in Shámshírgarhá Street, where the House of the Báb was situated, and eventually passed away from these injuries.

‘Abbás Khán informed the Qavám, who designated the following evening for this meeting, and we were informed of this appointment two hours later by the same messenger.

The following evening, 5 Rabí‘u’l-Avval [1 June 1903], about an hour after the sunset, this servant went to the specified address, an orchard belonging to the Qavám, and found him alone, pacing and waiting for me. I met ‘Abbás Khán, who took me to the Qavámu’l-Mulk. After an exchange of pleasantries and inquiring after my father’s health, he said :

“I am well acquainted with [your brother,] Áqá Mírzá Jalál Khán [who is the director of the post office in Ábádih], but I have never met you before. Have you not been in Shíráz?”

“No, I have not been here long.” “Where have you been?” he inquired.
“For nearly eleven years, I have been in foreign lands, living in working as a merchant in Egypt and Port Said.”
“Did you go to Syria?” he asked, and I answered affirmatively.
“Did you attain the presence of Bahá’u’lláh?” he further queried. I answered positively.
“Tell me about your journey to the presence of Bahá’u’lláh,” he asked.

‘Akká was a district of Syria; see Balyúzí, Bahá’u’lláh the King of Glory, pp. 471–73.

I remembered what the Blessed Beauty had spoken in Haifa about Yazd, and those utterances had been meant for this very evening and for the Qavám’s benefit. Therefore, I began by telling him [of my journey to ‘Akká], “During Safar 1308 1308 [September 1890], our family left Shíráz and arrived at Port Said where my father resided. My family then left that city on the 8 Dhi’l-Ḥájíih [15 July 1891] and arrived at Haifa on the 10th of the same month. It was then summer, and the Blessed Perfection was in Haifa. In that journey we remained for nine months in His presence, a portion in Haifa and the rest in ‘Akká. I remember distinctly that the Blessed Beauty was in Haifa when the news of events in Yazd arrived, to the effect that Sultán Ḥusayn Mírzá, the Jalálu’d-Dawlih, the governor-general of Yazd, had martyred seven believers in the most gruesome manner and that the citizens of that town had celebrated for three consecutive days while the atrocities of that iniquitous governor reached their highest. The details of this incident were reported in great detail to Bahá’u’lláh. When this news was brought before Him, profound sorrow overcame the Blessed Perfection. For some time, whenever the friends would attain His sanctified presence, His utterances solely concerned the cruelties and brutalities of the Qájár against this much-wronged community [Bahá’ís]. I remember especially that one night my brothers and I were summoned into His presence, and for some two hours this bliss lasted. The Tongue of Grandeur spoke thus:

See, Afnán, Memories of the Báb, Bahá’u’lláh, and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, chapter 2.

The Jalálu’d-Dawlih has done what has caused the eyes of the denizens of the Supreme Concourse to shed tears of blood. Do you perceive the reason for his doings? The motive is that Mas‘úd Mírzá, the Zillu’s-Sultán, wrote Us a letter in his own handwriting, and gave it to Hájí Mírzá [Muḥammad-] ‘Alí Sayyah to bring. Among the things he requested of Us was to aid him with the Bábís to destroy his Sháh-Bábá. “Should You do this,” he wrote, “I will give You liberty, I will give You authority, I will support You, I will make amends for past atrocities.” This Wronged-One wrote him, “Discard such thoughts. Praying for the Sháh [p. 445] is obligatory for you, all Iranians, and Us. We do not desire liberty, nor rule. Were We after leadership, what authority could have been better than occupying the post of minister in Tihrán? For the sake of God, We have arisen to improve the morals of a number of people, wronged in this world. Never again write in this vein to Us. Never again put such requests to this Wronged-One.” Having despaired of such subversive imaginings, he has now arisen against the friends and harms them thus. But the tale of the wayward is not worth repeating. Ere long, however, he will become that “which he was a thing not worthy of remembrance.” You will see the name of the Qájár obliterated, and no trace of them or their rule will remain.

His father, Násiri’d-Dín Sháh (r. 1848–1896)

Qur’án 76:1. The full verse is: “Did there not pass over man a [long] space of time during which he was a thing not worthy of remembrance?”

Consider this: In one single city and at the same location, two persons dwell. One takes the path of waywardness, while the other acts with equity. One becomes the Mushír, and the other becomes the Qavám. From the dawn of the Cause in Shíráz, the Mushír has had the temerity to arise against the Faith. Ere long, that name will be eradicated from the realm of Fárs. In contrast, from the beginning of the Dispensation, the Qavám Dynasty has caused no harm, nay, they have always supported the friends and at all times have rendered assistance.

Mushír, is an Arab word meaning "counsellor" or "advisor". It is related to the word shura, meaning consultation or "taking counsel".as an official title, it historically indicates a personal advisor to the ruler. In this use it is roughly comparable to the European titles of State Counsellor and counsellor of state.

Qawam (Qavam) Qawám upright posture, erect bearing; straightness; stature, physique, build, frame; figure, body (of a person); rightness, properness, proper condition, normal state; strength, vigour, stamina; firmness, consistency; support, stay, prop; livelihood, living

A.Q. Afnán has recorded that when relating this story his father would add: And Bahá’u’lláh further said, “The Qavámu’l-Mulk has succored the captives and helped the wronged believers, and to the extent within his power, he has protected and shielded the Faith. For as long as he and his family do not arise against the Cause, he will remain in his position—confirmed, assured, and successful” (private communication, August 1997).

I then related, “When Bahá’u’lláh spoke these words, He also prayed for you and asked for divine confirmations on your behalf.” On hearing this, Muḥammad-Ridá Khán grew exceedingly happy and with tremendous excitement, three times asked, “He prayed for us?” “Yes, the One True God does not forget the deeds of anyone. God does not veil them. He conceals sins, but reveals our good and virtuous doings.”

Afterwards, the Qavámu’l-Mulk asked, “Are you aware of what has transpired in Isfahán and the tumult that rages in Shíráz? What sort of loutish person would send such a petition? And who would authorize such a deed? Now is not the time for such actions. I have exerted myself to prevent mischief over this and hope to be completely successful. I have always tried to vindicate the Bahá’ís and provide every support. In the case of the Murtidá Sarvistání, I intensely tried to ensure the safety of that innocent youth. But in the incident of the crazed Siyyid [Fál-Asírí], I was not able to remedy the situation, and what transpired took place. Now you must admonish [the Bahá’ís] to most stringently observe wisdom. It is best for the more prominent among them to remain at home for a while until these troubles have dwindled.”

I responded, “Of a certainty, your will and counsel will be firmly adhered to. Hopefully God will protect, and Your Excellency will also prevent the rabble from mischief-making. Surely, you have been informed that this blessed Cause has spread overseas. Though the foes exerted to harm the body of the Faith in Iran and persecuted its members, the One exalted God has propagated His Faith throughout Europe and the continent of the Americas. Currently, it is spreading most rapidly in the United States, and indeed the verse “And thou see the people enter God’s Religion in troops,” has been realized there.

Qur’án 110:2.

“In America?” he inquired being most puzzled.
“Indeed, in America. I have a number of pictures of the American believers.”
“I wish to see them,” he stated.
“Through ‘Abbás Khán I will send them to your presence.”
“I will be very grateful,” he said.

“The sacred blood of believers was shed in Iran, and its effect stands manifest in America. The Blessed Perfection told us, ‘Do not be sad over the martyrdom of believers in Iran. The sacred tree of the Cause of God is watered by the blood of the martyrs. A tree, unless watered, does not grow and bear fruit.’”

In all, our discussions lasted some two hours. Afterward, I asked permission to take my leave, and in bidding me farewell, he said, “Kindly convey my warmest greetings [p. 450] to your father. I was deeply pleased by meeting you tonight and thrilled to hear of the tidings spoken about us by Bahá’u’lláh. On occasion, I will come and meet with you. Please be sure to send the pictures of the American Bahá’ís for me to see.”

When I arrived home, I briefed my father on what had been discussed and through ‘Abbás Khán sent the Qavám the pictures of the American believers that I had brought with me from the Holy Land.

Instigation of the ‘Ulamá The day following, however, the residents of Shíráz began a massive altercation that included shutting all the shops in the bazaar for an extensive march, with accompanying shouted insults and curses through the streets, neighborhoods, and mosques. Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, and his eldest son, Habíbu’lláh Khán, who at the time held the offices of Kalántar and Bíglar-Baykí, and the [Qavám’s] younger son, Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán, the Nasru’d-Dawlih, summoned all the chieftains and strongly admonished them, “The administration will not tolerate mischief, and none among the vulgar and unruly citizens is allowed to cause harm to the Bahá’ís.”

A.Q. Afnán has recorded the following additional details from his father (private communications, August 1997): “The clergy in Shíráz, following the example of the ‘ulamá of Yazd, commenced mischief and disturbances against the Bahá’ís of the city. Some shopkeepers, encouraged by Siyyid ‘Alí-Akbar Fál-Asírí, his son Siyyid Muḥammad, Shaykh Muhsin Qannád, and Shaykh Ja‘far Mahallátí, closed their businesses in protest. The clergy ascended the pulpits and began insulting the Faith and provoking the religious fervor of the multitudes until a complete uprising against the Cause and the massacre of all Bahá’ís seemed inevitable.”

He served as a high-ranking military officer.

Nevertheless, for three days the bazaars were closed and the ‘ulamá and the rabble busy provoking malice and mischief. During this time, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, Muḥammad-Ridá Khán Qavámu’l-Mulk, Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Mírzá Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih, Ja‘far-Qulí Khán Amír-Panjih, and Habíbu’lláh Khán Bíglar-Baykí, were in private conference in the governor’s office about ways to restrain the rabble and bring peace to the city. They decided that it was best for several of the more prominent [Bahá’ís] to remain at home and not to attend their shops in the bazaar. Mírzá Muḥammad-Ja‘far Khán, who numbered among the faithful, sincere believers and who was a private secretary to Habíbu’lláh Khán [the Qavámu’l-Mulk III], was instructed to inform these Bahá’ís. A list of believers was prepared and included: this servant; my brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg; ‘Andalíb; Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Sá‘at-Sáz [the watchmaker]; Mírzá Yúsuf Naqqásh [the painter]; Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn Naqqásh, known as Thábit [the steadfast]; Mírzá Jalál Zarqání; and Áqá ‘Alí-Akbar Khádim [the attendant].

This list was brought by Mírzá Muḥammad-Ja‘far Khán to my father with the request, “In the course of our consultation, it was deemed advisable for these gentlemen to remain at home until the pandemonium and riots have alleviated.” The Afnán responded, “Please do as they have suggested.” Thereupon, Mírzá Muḥammad-Ja‘far Khán proceeded to the homes of the Bahá’ís on the list and informed each of this decision by the governor and the Qavámu’l-Mulk. Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim, Mírzá Yúsuf Naqqásh, and Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn Thábit each had a shop by the entrance to the Shrine of Siyyid Mír Ahmad Sháh-Chiráq and immediately closed their shops and remained at home. Áqá Mírzá Jalál, who was the author of the original petition and hence the instigator of the uproar, proceeded forthwith towards Tihrán. Áqá ‘Alí-Akbar Khádim shed his clothes in favor of the dervish’s garb and proceeded to Ábádih. ‘Andalíb remained home. My brothers, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg and Hájí Mírzá Díyá’, and I remained secluded at the Blessed House of the Báb.

The fifth day of demonstrations was a Thursday [4 June 1903], and it was noised throughout the city that the celebrated ‘ulamá had issued a fatwá that on the following day, Friday, all swords would be reddened by the blood of Bahá’ís. This fact was reported to the governor-general, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, who immediately summoned the Qavámu’l-Mulk, the Prince Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih and Ja‘far Khán Amír-Panjih and asked them for suggestions on ways to remedy the situation. The Qavámu’l-Mulk stated, [p. 455] “We must ask the Imám-Jum‘ih to come quickly and to promise that he will calm and quiet the people. Further, we must see to it that the other ‘ulamá receive a sum of money as a prize for the cessation of disturbances and in order to buy their peace.”

Fatwá: A fatwā in the Islamic faith is a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that the Sheikhul Islam, a qualified jurist or mufti, can give on issues pertaining to the Islamic law.

During this period, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih wanted to demonstrate to the officials in Tihrán his foresight and general abilities in administering affairs, as he desired a cabinet post in the capital. He knew that if Shíráz were to sustain the same fate as Yazd, it would end his political ambitions.

Intervention of the Imám-Jum‘ih Finding this suggestion agreeable, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih asked Hájí Shaykh Yahyá, the Imám-Jum‘ih, to be brought to his office. The latter was a particularly virtuous and well-intending person, always supporting the believers and the Cause, and never perpetrating harm or disrespect. Upon his arrival, the governor and the Qavámu’l-Mulk briefed him on their predicament and asked his assistance in alleviating the troubles and commotion. The Imám-Jum‘ih promised that on the following day, [Friday,] he would admonish the citizens, calm the situation, and ensure that by Saturday all the shops were opened and the tumult subsided. They also decided to send a sum of money to the influential figures in order to persuade them to cooperate.

Presumably, a reference to the ‘ulamá.

Based on his father’s recollections, Abú’l-Qásim Afnán notes, “The Imám-Jum‘ih had suggested that the best course of action was for the governor to donate a sum of money to the ‘ulamá. Being in agreement with this proposal, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih invited some prominent Bahá’ís in order to confer with them and acquaint them with the situation. Those attending the gathering contributed a sum that totaled nearly one thousand tumáns, the majority of which was contributed by the head of the telegraph office, Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih. When the money was ready, depending on the rank and influence of each cleric involved in the uproar, the Imám-Jum‘ih allocated a portion to each. He asked the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih to write a letter to each cleric stating, ‘Since a surplus is available from the tax account and now needs to be distributed to the poor and needy, I am leaving it in your charge to disburse it in any way that you deem appropriate.’ The Imám-Jum‘ih further emphasized that the governor should ensure that his attendants collected a receipt upon the delivery of the sum” (private communication, August 1997).

Friday morning, the public criers of the Imám-Jum‘ih proclaimed throughout the city that four hours before dusk all citizens of every rank were to gather at the Masjid Vakíl in order to hear his sermon. People thought that this was the awaited hour when the Imám intended to announce his fatwá [against the Bahá’ís]. This news quickly circled through the city.

Fatwa: in the Islamic faith is a nonbinding but authoritative legal opinion or learned interpretation that the Sheikhul Islam, a qualified jurist or mufti, can give on issues pertaining to the Islamic law.

Mírzá Habíbu’lláh added parenthetically, “The Imám-Jum‘ih was peerless in eloquence, and all the inhabitants, young and old, male or female alike, would listen to him attentively and with due consideration.”

By the appointed hour, the entire courtyard, the cloisters, the roofs, and even the minarets of the mosque were thronged with onlookers, and the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, the Qavámu’l-Mulk and other officials were in attendance as well. The Imám-Jum‘ih, being more than eighty years of age and rather frail, arrived carried on the shoulders of his servant. On beholding him, in unison the crowd raised its voice in greeting. People were giving the glad tidings to each other that the Imám was about to issue his ruling and conclude the affair. He ascended the pulpit and delivered an eloquent homily. Thereafter, he began his sermon, flavored with his customary sweet stories and humorous anecdotes that only he could deliver. Having completely won over the attention of his audience, in his most gentle tone he addressed the city’s inhabitants:

That is, the people were expecting that Imám’s ruling would unleash a Bahá’í genocide.

O ye people! You are all well aware that I stand eighty years of age and that I associate with all the residents of this town and know each and every person from every corner and class. You also recognize that you all are truly like my own brothers and children. I will not permit, and surely you will not consent either, that certain malefactors accuse you, or some of you, in various ways and issue slanders about you. Recall to mind that the Apostle of God, Muḥammad ibn ‘Abdu’lláh, peace be upon Him, has admonished His sacred community in the Qur’án, “Say not to anyone who offers you a salutation: ‘Thou art none of a believer!’” Moreover, the Immaculate Imám [‘Alí] has stated, “We are to consider the evident aspect of things.” Therefore, according to the text of the Sacred Qur’án and the Tradition of the Holy Imám, we are forbidden from pronouncing others as unbelievers or labeling them non-Muslim.

Qur’án [4:94].

Imám ‘Alí, Nahju’l-Balághih, p. 265.

Having established this, I now ask you [p. 460] to repeat after me, and I promise you that if you were to do so, the everlasting paradise would be yours. Shout out three times, “In Shíráz, God willing, there are no Bábís!” By my life, shout it in unison and repeat thrice, “There are no Bábís!”

After he had extracted this declaration from the people, he said, “Today is Friday, and it is a good hour. Let us all go to the bazaar and open our shops. And from tomorrow, Saturday, everyone must commence his business.”

A. Q. Afnán (private communications, August 1996) has noted that his father used to add the following said by the Imám, “Tonight, on everyone’s behalf, I will perform the Hájjat prayer and beseech the Apostle of God to intercede on our behalf on the Day of Resurrection and to shower our businesses with His confirmations.” Thereupon, the Imám emptied a handkerchief filled with sugarplums over the heads of the audience and told them to sweeten their mouths.

It was two hours until sunset when people left the mosque and happily proceeded to open all shops and begin their commerce.

A number of Bahá’ís, who were not known as such, had been attending the sermon at the Masjid [Vakíl] and at once came to the Blessed House of the Báb to inform us that the Imám-Jum‘ih had wisely alleviated the disturbance and had calmed the storm. May God exalt his station in the Great Beyond.

The following day, Saturday, all the merchants and the shopkeepers resumed their business, and it seemed as if none of these events had ever taken place in Shíráz.

That evening, the Imám-Jum‘ih instructed one of his confidants, a most virtuous man named Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ḥusayn ‘Arifu’sh-Shárí‘ih, to ask Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim [Sá‘at-Sáz] to go see him. When the latter came before the Imám, he was told, “Mírzá, it is best if you did not dwell in Shíráz for a few days.” He responded, “But I have no place to go.” The Imám-Jum‘ih replied, “I will arrange all details and ensure that they see to your comfort for some time.” Thereupon, he wrote to the Kad-Khudá [village chief] of Ḥusayn-Ábád Bízyyán where the Imám owned orchards located two farsangs from the city. Further, he provided Mírzá [Abú’l-Qásim] with sufficient funds.

Each farsang is six kilometers.

After a month, however, the henchmen discovered his whereabouts and said to the Imám, “Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim has taken refuge in your property in Ḥusayn-Ábád.” Recognizing that these people were intent on mischief, [the Imám] sent a message for Áqá Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim to return to Shíráz, and upon coming into the presence of the Imám-Jum‘ih, he was showered with utmost kindness and generosity. Further, he was told by the Imám, “You must remain at home for a while longer and not attend your store, as the rabble in the Sháh-Chiráq area where your shop is located are preparing for mischief. I have also asked Mírzá Yúsuf and Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn to remain at home as well.” Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim responded, “But your honor must realize that I need to earn a living to support my family.” “The Almighty God will provide,” the Imám-Jum‘ih remarked, “and for as long as you tarry at home, I will instruct my own bakery to give you fifteen man of bread each month. Further, I will ask the notables to bring their watches for you to repair. Therefore, you can stay at home and earn a living.” Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim expressed his gratitude and at the time of departure was given the first month’s stipend in advance. This generous offering of the Imám continued for three years.

Each man is 3 kilograms.

A.Q. Afnán notes based on his father’s recollections: “Other Bahá’ís who had shops in area of Sháh-Chiráq were also recipients of the Imám-Jum‘ih’s immense beneficence.”

After this period elapsed, other Bahá’ís made an effort and rented one of the shops belonging to the Mudabbiru’s-Saltanih situated near the Government House for Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim and provided some furniture where he commenced a watch-repair business. Praise be to God, his trade expanded, and soon he was most prosperous.

Six of Bahá’u’lláh’s Tablets to him are included in INBMC 51:279–83, nos. 282–87. In one of them (no. 286, p. 282), it is revealed, “In truth, I say: The atrocities that the past Party [i.e., the Shi‘ites] have perpetrated against thee hath caused the Tablet to lament and the Pen to wail—a sobbing that provoked the Concourse on High to cry out and the denizens of the Supreme Paradise to bemoan profusely.”

Áqá Mírzá Yúsuf Naqqásh and Áqá Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn Thábit, both painters, were also asked to stay at home, allowing the troubles to subside. A few years later, both passed away to the Abhá Kingdom. My brother, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, and I, however, freely went about our business activities and were also busy with Bahá’ís services. The city was now in peace, and there were no more disturbances.

Chapter 14 Restoration of the House of the Báb

The Second Restoration of the Blessed House in AH 1321 [1903] [p. 465:1] From the beginning of the month of Rabí‘u’th-Thání [27 June 1903], every time the post arrived, it brought a Tablet [from ‘Abdu’l-Bahá regarding the restoration of the House of the Báb] in honor of the Afnán. In the first Tablet, it was instructed that an estimate of the total cost of the repairs be prepared and sent [to the Holy Land]. Through the aid of the Mi‘már-Báshí [the construction taskmaster], the Afnán prepared a detailed estimate of the costs of construction and a drawing of the Sacred House, and sent it to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Upon its receipt, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá revealed several sanctified Tablets insisting on immediate commencement of the restoration work of the House. In response, the Afnán began to make the required plans and to assemble the necessary provisions.

At the beginning of Jamádíyu’l-Avval [26 July 1903], the post from the Holy Land brought an exalted Tablet for Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín, the Afnán, as the custodian of the House of God. Therein, special emphasis and utmost weight were placed on restoring the Blessed House to its exact original form [at the time of the Báb]. That blessed Text is included below so that the divine friends would become aware of God’s inscrutable wisdom in this regard:

In 1872–73, at the request of Khadíjih Bagum and with Bahá’u’lláh’s consent, the design of the House was altered under the supervision of Núri’d-Dín.

Shíráz.

The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the honored Áqá Mírzá Áqá, upon him rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.

He is God.

O thou august offshoot of the sacred Lote-Tree! Some time ago, thou hadst written about the restoration of the heavenly point of adoration and the celestial Ka‘bih, and a response was sent to thee. However, news of its receipt hath not arrived.

The restoration of the Blessed House [of the Báb] is thy most immediate duty, and not a moment’s hesitation is permitted. However, the House must be rebuilt in complete conformity to the original design, and absolutely no change is allowed. Therefore, that illustrious personage must prepare a detailed estimate of the restoration costs and at once send it to the Holy Land.

Somehow, the required funds will be raised and sent from here so that thou mayest soon commence work on the Blessed House, the heavenly point of adoration. Not a moment’s delay is permitted. This is of the utmost importance. This undertaking will have profound spiritual and material influence. Upon the receipt of this letter, do not delay for an instant, and quickly submit an estimate. The design of the House and the plan for the rooms, the walls, the dimensions, and the orientations must not deviate by a dot from the original, and no change is admissible. Praise and salutations rest upon thee. ‘A ‘A.

[ps.] Consider how important is the restoration of the Blessed House that this servant has pledged, that should the believers in Fárs rise to this task, all the troubles besetting that community will be removed. And as I had previously written, the friends must consider this the measure of truth or imposture.

INBMC 52:322–23, no. 360.

[Another Tablet:]

Shíráz.

The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the honored Áqá Mírzá Áqá, upon him rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.

He is God!

O thou august offshoot of the sacred Lote-Tree! Thy missive hath arrived, and its contents stand manifest. The estimate for the restoration of the Blessed House was reviewed and found most agreeable. Through the honored Mi‘már-Báshí see to all the details and assemble the necessary provisions. In this task, the Mi‘már-Báshí must exert his utmost and of a certainty must ensure that the construction does not deviate by so much as a hair’s breadth from the original design, layout, architecture, and dimensions. The building must be raised in the utmost refinement, beauty, and solidity. God willing, gradually the required funds will be sent. Now you must busy yourself with organizing the construction materials. Within a month, a sum will be forwarded. Report very frequently on progress, as this Servant, placing His reliance in God, will be able to facilitate all difficulties. Not a minute’s delay is permitted. Be assured. I beseech God that I may not fail in my duties and may be rendered triumphant. Praise and salutation rest upon thee. ‘A ‘A.

INBMC 52:321–22, no. 359.

Upon consideration of these Tablets and oft-repeated exhortations on the Mi‘már-Báshí to undertake this trust—a task requiring the utmost diligence, the greatest attention, and highest urgency—[p. 470] my father instructed me to invite several of the more experienced believers to the Blessed House to ponder these divine injunctions and consult on ways for the construction work to commence. This servant invited the following nine believers: my maternal uncle, Áqá Siyyid Ḥusayn Afnán; ‘Andalíb; the Prince Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih; Áqá Ja‘far-Qulí Khán Amír-Panjih [the regiment commander]; Colonel Ahmad-Qulí Khán; Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad Khán, the Muvaqqari’d-Dawlih; the Prince Muhib-‘Alí Mírzá; Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán; and Mírzá Áqá Mi‘már-Báshí.

As the Afnán had instructed, the named personages assembled in the Blessed House and read the received Tablets. After tea and sherbet were served, consultation commenced, and each person presented his views, spoke in a different manner, and commented as he wished. The Muvaqqari’d-Dawlih stated, “This undertaking is untimely, as the troubles in Isfahán and Yazd have not subsided and the blood of the martyrs is still fresh on the soil of Yazd.” Áqá Ja‘far-Qulí Khán added, “The episode of Isfahán and the [Russian] Consulate building is still current among people, and it is likely that the reconstruction of the Blessed House would likewise precipitate turmoil in Shíráz.” Others articulated similar views and supported the same sentiments.

The Prince Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih, however, commented, “In this regard, we must first ascertain the views of the Afnán.” Collectively, they asked him for his opinion, and the Afnán stated, “I submit to you that ijtihád [religious deduction] in the presence of an explicit text is wrong. [‘Abdu’l-Bahá] has written, ‘A moment’s hesitation is not permitted.’ He is the Head of the Faith and the all-encompassing fashioner of events. He knows best when to build and when to destroy. No need for us to express views or to put forth an opinion when His command is made known and stands manifest. He has written, ‘Of a certainty, commence this task, and do not wait for funds, as they will arrive.’ Therefore, my vote is to act consonant with His instructions since we are servants and He is the Master. Servants’ views are unimportant when the Master has spoken.”

This sentence represents the Afnán’s summary of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s comments and is not an exact quotation.

The Prince [Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih] exclaimed his praise and said, “I am in full accord with the judgment of the honored Afnán. There is wisdom in this undertaking that we are unaware of, but known to the Head of the Faith. Therefore, let us commence the construction work.” Others said no more and only expressed their consent that the Beloved’s command must be carried out. The assemblage resolved that on 14 Jamádíu’l-Avval [8 August 1903], that is, nine days after the celebration of the Declaration [of the Báb], the Mi‘már-Báshí was to bring his laborers and construction workers, and to start the restoration in whatever manner the Afnán might instruct, since ‘Abdu’l-Bahá wished to return the House to its original design, without any addition or alterations, rebuilt with the utmost delicacy, deliberation, purity, and firmness, and none besides the Afnán knew the previous design from the time of His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb].

The Start of Construction

On the appointed day, the honored Mi‘már-Báshí together with his crew arrived, and the work was inaugurated. With great haste and in full accord with [my father’s] instructions, the construction progressed, and each day some fifty or sixty laborers, workers, and carpenters were busy in the Blessed House with various tasks.

Within two months, the main structure of the House was raised in the same manner as in the original design, as called for by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Both the overall layout and the details were in exact conformity with the initial plan. A complete progress report was sent to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s presence, noting that construction was being carried out following the original architecture and arrangement. After the receipt of this missive, the following exalted Tablet was revealed in honor of the Afnán showering him with infinite favors. The text is as follows:

The following Tablet speaks to the need to maintain the original design of the House of the Báb (INBMC 52:360–61, no. 406): Shíráz. The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the honored Áqá Mírzá Buzurg and the honored Áqá Mírzá Habíb, upon both rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.
He is God.
O twin offshoots of the sanctified Tree! Thy letters arrived, but response was delayed due to a severe illness that rendered writing impossible; of a certainty, you will forgive this delay. The equivalent of one hundred French Lire [sic] was sent a month ago for the purpose of the restoration of the House. Also concerning the receipts that you had asked, even though they were sent previously, apparently they have gone astray, and therefore a second copy is sent herewith.
Pertaining to the House [of the Báb] you had asked a number of questions, but know that these are all unnecessary. Follow what has been conveyed previously, and do not deviate at all from the original design. The purpose is not decoration, but to maintain the identical form and condition of the Blessed House during the days of the Exalted Beauty, the Primal Point—may my spirit be a sacrifice unto Him. This is critical. Otherwise, of a certainty, it is befitting to raise it by bricks of gold, silver, and the finest jewels; nay, it is far worthier than this! You must keep this in mind. The intent is for the architecture to remain as before, and the same applies to the paint, the door, and other details….

[p. 475] Shíráz. The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the honored Áqá Mírzá Áqá, upon him rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.

He is God!

O thou exalted offshoot of the divine Tree! What thou didst write was received and perused. Render thanks unto God that thou wert commissioned to raise the splendid House. Appreciate thou well the sacredness of this bounty! By God besides Whom there is none other god, the celestial dwellers and the denizens of the Concourse on High are calling out, “Blessed art thou!” and cry forth, “Happy art thou! Happy art thou!”

What the friends have contributed toward the restoration of the Blessed House is most acceptable and pleasing, and henceforth should anyone earnestly contribute toward that Sanctified Edifice, accept and record the same.

Although at the present the horizon of the world of humanity is dark with turmoil, its foundation shaken to its core, the portals of hardship and trials flung wide open, and the tempests of ordeals and difficulties most evident, it is precisely in such a convulsive state that the reconstruction of the renowned House must be carried out, as it will bring joy and comfort to every desolate heart. During times of safety and tranquility, anyone can achieve anything. But at the time of severe tempests and storms, faced with blasts of snow and blizzards, thunder and lightning from every direction, and mighty tornadoes and cyclones—amidst such great calamities and hurricanes for the captain to raise sail in the heart of the vast deep is proof of great courage. Otherwise, at a time when the sea is calm, the lowliest of seamen can raise sail and guide the ship! And this is but one of the favors of the Merciful and Compassionate Lord. ‘A ‘A.

INBMC 52:323, no. 361.

The Passing of Áqá Mírzá Áqá Núri’d-Dín

In the month of Rajab [September 1903], the Afnán grew ill, and gradually the illness worsened to the point that he had to remain in bed. Initially, his physician was Mírzá ‘Abdu’lláh Rahmat, but later he recommended the care of Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán, the Masíhu’d-Dawlih. The condition of the Afnán however, continued to deteriorate day-by-day, and the Masíhu’d-Dawlih became discouraged and for a few days did not visit. His attendant—a man bent on malice and enmity—noised abroad among the people, “The chief of the Bábís, who lives in the Shámshírgarhá street, is ill, and my master, who is his physician, has said he will expire any day.” This was meant as a signal to the rabble to commence mischief and injury. Gradually, the same whispers reached our neighbors, and they too started trouble and insults. We also heard reports from various directions that the shopkeepers in the nearby bazaar were saying, “At the time of Áqá Mírzá Áqá’s death we must not remain passive.”

This servant therefore concluded that our foes were making plans to uproot us, and as such I informed both the Prince Mu’ayyad [u’s-Saltanih] and Áqá Ja‘far-Qulí Khán. The latter assigned several of his esteemed men, who were also Bahá’ís, to quietly come and spend the nights in the residence adjacent to the House of the Báb. Moreover, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih informed Habíbu’lláh Khán Bíglar-Baykí, “Áqá Mírzá Áqá is ill and is likely to pass away soon. The rabble is scheming to cause mischief and difficulties. As the city’s Kalántar, you must certainly prevent these lewd elements from achieving their wicked purpose.”

Bahá’í who ranked as the Amír-Panjih and commanded the armed forces of Fárs.

On hearing this, Habíbu’lláh Khán sent word to me through Mírzá Muḥammad-Ja‘far Khán, “Whatever is your wish, I stand ready to assist. The local Kad-Khudá and chieftain have been told, when needed and you are ready, to aid in the befitting transfer of the corpse to the cemetery.” Noting his cooperation and cordiality, this servant expressed gratitude and continued to manage affairs. [p. 480] Several devoted and dutiful believers were selected to help during this period. They were: Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ja‘far Khán; Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad Khán; Mírzá Lutfu’lláh Khán, the Khádim-Báshí; Mírzá ‘Alí-Ridá Khán; Mírzá Asadu’lláh Khán Tirmih-Dúz [the silk-weaver]; Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Sádiq Khabbáz [the baker]; Mírzá Shukru’lláh Jahrumí; [and] Áqá Mírzá Yahyá Khán. These honored personages assembled full of appreciation and earnestness and ready for service.

Through our consultations it was determined that it would be best not to organize a memorial service in the streets [as was customary], but rather to have the gathering and soothsaying session in one of the homes. For this purpose, we chose the house of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim<11>, my maternal grandfather. The house partly belonged to my mother. All the necessary provisions for a memorial service were sent there.

With humility, submissiveness, and while uttering the Holy Verses, on Monday, 26 Shá‘bán AH 1321 [17 November 1903], the spirit of that essence of being [Núri’d-Dín] ascended to the Exalted Horizon and Abhá Kingdom. During the entire sixty-two years that he spent on this dark plane of dust, he tasted from foes and enemies naught save insult and injury, trials and tribulations in the path of this wondrous Faith. And yet, he hastened to his immortal abode thoroughly resigned and filled with joy and ecstasy.

The appointed friends gathered to assist with the burial arrangements. Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Ja‘far Khán, who was assigned by Áqá Habíbu’lláh Bíglar-Baykí, instructed several of the farráshes of the latter to guard the vicinity of the House. It was three hours into the night when the luminous remains were circumambulated around the Blessed House of the Báb and then moved to the Hammám Gul-Dastih in the same neighborhood for ritual ablutions and the performance of other rites in accordance with Bahá’í percepts. That night, his remains were interred by the entrance of the Shrine of Siyyid Mír Ahmad Sháh-Chiráq….About seven hours into the night, the burial ceremony was completed, and together with my brothers and all the friends we returned to the Blessed House and spent the night in mourning.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader; attendant and footman.

Bahá’í rituals for preparation of the dead and burial are provided by Bahá’u’lláh in the Kitáb-i Aqdas.

In the morning, a number of divine friends joined us in the House so together we could proceed to the house of the late Hájí [Abú’l-Qásim]. However, my maternal uncle, Áqá Siyyid Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Afnán<37>, arrived and informed us that there was much tumult in the bazaar and the streets, and the mob was plotting mischief, so that it was unwise to hold the prayer vigils in the Hájí’s house. I was perplexed as to what to do when he suggested that it was best to convene the prayer meetings in the Blessed House of the Báb and the adjacent homes. The friends who were there for assistance immediately responded favorably to this suggestion and said, “We will quickly clean the second floor of the Blessed House from all the construction debris and will furnish it properly.” Meanwhile, the Mu‘arrif-Báshí [the public-announcer] arrived and was told to inform the believers and other citizens that the commemorative meetings would be held in the Blessed House.

The believers began to clean the House when, in accordance to their everyday practice, all the laborers, carpenters, and other workers arrived and on hearing what had transpired, although they were not Bahá’ís, most selflessly began to help to clean the House. Within two hours the entire Blessed House was cleared of all the construction materials and was completely furnished. In addition, tea, coffee, sherbet, and other refreshments were ready for the visitors.

As was customary, the Mu‘arrif-Báshí invited the Qur’án reciters, who arrived and began chanting Sacred Verses. For three days, the believers and other friends from all strata of the community would visit and share in the prayer vigils.

It was customary that on such occasions an important person would come on the third day and conclude the prayer gathering. [p. 485] As such, on the final day, in company of a number of ministers and farráshes, Áqá Mírzá Ibráhím Khán, the eldest son of the Áqá Habíbu’lláh Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [III], arrived and ceremoniously concluded the commemorative prayer vigils. The fact that such dignitaries came for this purpose left many of the nonbelievers wonder-struck.

Farrásh, literally a carpet-spreader; attendant and footman.

This third day of the memorial meeting coincided with the 28 Shá‘bán [19 November 1903], which was the anniversary of the martyrdom of His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb], and the sound of mourning and lamentation was raised high from the Blessed House and the adjacent homes.

Much wisdom was concealed and enshrined in the way that this memorial service unfolded, and it only gradually became apparent. For instance, previously the non-Bahá’ís had all manner of thoughts about the reconstruction of the Blessed House and had allowed their imaginations to run wild in this regard. They had wondered what construction was taking place in such small dwelling and what purpose it was to serve. However, when they came [for the services], they saw that their previous notions were wrong and that their imaginations had led them astray, and realized that it was only a simple House. The other misconception was that they never thought we would be in a position to associate with the most prominent and influential citizens of the community, including many among the wealthy and the merchants.

Through this incident, they grew cognizant of the majesty of the Cause and the great influence of the Blessed House, and their eyes and ears were filled with this. Therefore, much talk and plans for mischief were discarded, nor were unseemly remarks uttered in secret about the House or these servants, now spoken after these events. In fact, in contrast to the past, the public exerted itself to associate [with Bahá’ís] and to show them respect.

The significance of this passage appears to rest in the fact that ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had promised that should the Bahá’ís rebuild the House of the Báb, then all their troubles would be alleviated. And now Mírzá Habíbu’lláh describes that almost instantly this promise was fulfilled—not only did the attacks against the Bahá’í Faith subside but also was the prestige of the religion enhanced in the wider community through the completion of the House of the Báb.

The period of the Afnán’s illness until his passing was about forty-five days. After the conclusion of the memorial services, the news of his death and a list of all those who had served during this ordeal were sent to the presence of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. After a month, a number of Tablets were revealed as a bounty on the friends as well as a Visitation Tablet in remembrance of the Afnán. These Tablets tell of the services and the station of that devoted servant of His Threshold. The text of that Visitation Tablet is included in these pages so that the divine friends would perceive the meaning of: “Whoever takes a step in My direction, that effort will never dissipate.”

Shíráz. The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the honored Áqá Mírzá Buzurg and Áqá Mírzá Habíb, upon them rest the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.

Visitation Tablet for him who attained the exalted paradise, the illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the honored Áqá Mírzá Áqá, upon him be the Glory of God, the Most Glorious.

He is God.

The perfumed fragrances wafted from the celestial and glorious paradise, and the musk-laden breezes of the divine and heavenly concourse rest upon thy resplendent resting-place and thy renowned shrine, O thou merciful twig and exalted offshoot of the hallowed Tree!

I testify that thou wert awakened from thy heedlessness and wert guided unto the path of righteousness, and that thou wert chosen and moved from thy habitation to the presence of His Countenance and wert able to perceive the Days of thy Lord. Moreover, thou didst turn to the Blessed Beauty and believed in thine Exalted Lord and served thy Master in this ephemeral world.

In the path of God, thou didst sustain the darts of the slanderers and suffered the oppression of the enemies and the tyranny of the foes. Thou didst migrate forth from thy native home unto the Holy Land to behold the evidences and signs of thy Mighty God. Thou didst come before the Threshold of thy compassionate Lord, didst enter the presence of His Self and heeded His utterances from His blessed and sweet Tongue. Blest art thou for this most benevolent favor and happy art thou for this most splendid generosity!

I beseech God to bestow upon thee all His blessings in the Invisible and Hidden Kingdom, to attire thee with the robe of His favors, to grant all thy desires, and to make manifest [p. 490] in thee all the evident effulgence of His exalted paradise.

Blessed is the one who visits thy resting-place. Because of thy love for the Blessed Beauty thou wert near to the Sacred Threshold. Upon thee be praise and salutations! ‘A ‘A.

INBMC 52:326–27, no. 365.

Completion of the Restoration Subsequent to the passing of the Afnán, this servant and my brother, Áqá Hájí Mírzá Buzurg, continued to send monthly, nay, weekly detailed progress reports on the restoration of the Blessed House of the Báb to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. In turn, the sacred pen of the Center of the Covenant revealed many Tablets during this period in honor of these ephemeral servants.

Abú’l-Qásim Afnán notes: “In his will, among his children, Núri’d-Dín had chosen my father, Mírzá Habíbu’lláh, as the next custodian of the House of the Báb. From that moment, a profoundly important responsibility was placed on my father’s shoulders. In the discharge of his duties and for the rest of his days, he knew not a moment’s rest by night, nor tranquility in the day. In addition to his great responsibility as the custodian of the House, he also had to safeguard the enormous collection of holy relics, Tablets, and manuscripts left in his trust. Although in truth these were all personal possessions, yet he deeply believed that all he owned belonged to the Cause in the first place” (private communication, December 1995). In a Tablet (INBMC 52:339, no. 381) addressed to Núri’d-Dín’s five children, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá informs them that a copy of the deceased’s will was received in the Holy Land.

From the beginning of construction to the end, it took almost two years and a few months, and throughout this period the work advanced methodically. The divine friends in Fárs and other parts of Iran donated towards the expenses of the restoration; a list of contributors was regularly submitted to the presence of the Master; and receipts issued therefrom.

When all the work was completed, there was a shortfall of five hundred tumáns, which at that time was nearly impossible to raise. However, the venerable Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyad [u’s-Saltanih], donated this remaining sum. After the completion of work and the final tally of expenditures, a report was presented to the Holy Land, and the following Tablet was received, reflecting ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s joy and happiness:

Shíráz. The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, Áqá Mírzá Buzurg and the honored Áqá Mírzá Habíb, upon them rest the Glory of the Most Glorious.

He is God!

O ye twin verdant twigs of the Sacred Tree! Your missive hath been received, and the news of the completion of the Exalted House and the conclusion of the accounts hath filled me with the utmost felicity and life. The honored Mu’ayyad is truly confirmed, triumphant, successful, and luminous.

Praised be God that during such tempests and universal convulsions, when all hearts were agitated and people disturbed, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, with extreme tranquility and serenity, instructed thee to restore the Exalted House, and bid the Afnán of the Sacred Tree, the honored Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Taqí, proceed forth with building of the Mashriqu’l-Adhkár [of ‘Ishqábád]. Such tasks, which the sincere ones in the former days would undertake at a time of health, peace, and tranquility, we rose to fulfill at a time of mighty cataclysms and with heart and soul saw them through. This is naught save one of the infinite favors of the Blessed Beauty, may my spirit be a sacrifice unto His loved-ones. Therefore, in gratitude for the success of this most mighty achievement and the bliss of being able to render such a service, we must raise our voice in thankfulness to the Threshold of the Ancient Lord. Praised be God, and thanks be unto Him for what hath transpired.

The news of the illness of the mother of Áqá Mírzá Bahá’u’d-Dín brought sadness and much sorrow, and I prayed for her forgiveness at His Threshold of Oneness. The text of that prayer is enclosed. The sum of money bequeathed by that honored handmaiden was received at a most propitious instant, as affairs were most difficult in the Holy Land and the assailants most aggressive. It was given to a most deserving person in a condition of desperate need. This turn of events further testifies to the purity of her intentions. Praise and salutations be upon you. ‘A ‘A.

INBMC 52:356–57, no. 402.

Abdu’l-Bahá commanded that a detailed ledger of all the expenditures be prepared and sealed by well-informed individuals, [thereby authenticating its accuracy], and He emphasized that they should include my maternal uncle, [Siyyid Muḥammad-Ḥusayn<37>]. Accordingly, an account that detailed such things as the cost of materials, wages paid to the laborers, and all other expenses related to the work of that Sacred Threshold from the beginning until then was prepared. With the utmost humility, through the celebrated resident-believer Áqá Ridá [Qannád] Shírází [p. 495] this account was submitted to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. After the arrival of our missive and accounts, and their review by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, the same was returned to Áqá Ridá, stating, “Return this account book to the esteemed personages [the Afnáns] and tell them that I have confidence in them. The reason I asked that an exact account be kept and signed by trustworthy dignitaries, such as their distinguished maternal uncle, is that they would have it in their custody, haply it may one day prove useful.”

It is important to record in these pages of history the text of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Tablet and a letter in the hand of the venerable Áqá Ridá written at the Master’s bidding, to further adorn these pages:

Shíráz. The illustrious Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, the honored Áqá Mírzá Buzurg, upon him rest the Glory of God.

He is God.

O thou offshoot of the branch of divinity! Thy numerous letters addressed to the honored Manshádí have been considered. The news of the completion of the sacred House hath assured my heart. Praise be to God that we both succeeded in this undertaking. Complete the account ledger in an orderly and methodical fashion, and obtain the concurrence of certain distinguished friends, such as thine honored maternal uncle. Keep this safe in thy possession. This is critical and will be of benefit to thee. In this regard, the honored Mi‘már-Báshí will assuredly be of the utmost aid.

Áqá Mírzá Fakhru’d-Dín, upon him be the Glory of God, must exert his best in learning the English language and commit to memory the whole of the Bible, from beginning to end.

A reply to the honored Mu’ayyad hath previously been written and sent. Surely, it hath been received. Praise and salutation be upon thee, ‘A ‘A.

INBMC 52:333–34, no. 373.

[The following letter was also received from Áqá Ridá:]

To the presence of custodians of the Threshold of the House of God, the esteemed Áqá Mírzá Buzurg and Áqá Mírzá Habíbu’lláh, may my soul be a sacrifice unto them.

25 Rabí‘u’l-Avval AH 1324 [19 May 1906]

9
He is God.

May my soul be a sacrifice to the Afnán of the sacred Lote-Tree, who have remained faithful and centered on Him Whom God hath purposed.

Your august letter of 17 Safar [12 April 1906] was received on 24 Rabí‘u’l-Avval, and upon its perusal I raised my voice in gratitude and praise to the Almighty, and was made most joyous by the news of your well-being. I beseech His sacred Threshold for blessings, prosperity, health, and welfare in all your endeavors, and I pray that haply you will always be safe and protected in the Ridván of His bliss, as well as preserved from all that may cause sadness and vexation. He is the Hearer and the Answerer of the prayers.

After reading your missive and being gratified by spiritual favors derived from the heaven of blessings, I besought the sacred presence of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, may my life be a sacrifice for His friends, and delivered the account book to Him. His Holiness, without so much as a look, gave it back to me and said, “Send it back to them and write, ‘We know them to be trustworthy. Our intention was for this ledger to be kept safe there, since it will be of benefit to them in the future.’ In short, He expressed such immense favors and gratification about your deeds that my tongue fails in recounting them, and my pen is unable to repeat them.

Your presence is very much felt in these luminous surroundings. Praised be God, you are trees of fidelity, branches of the Tree of Holiness, and stars of the heaven of God’s love. May the Glory of the Most Glorious be upon you for all time.

My sole supplication is that you remember me in your blessed prayers in the spiritual and illumined gatherings. [p. 500] Kindly extend my greetings and commendation to all the friends. They are in my prayers at the Threshold of God and in the Shrine of Bahá’u’lláh, where I supplicate for their well-being, protection, success, and divine assistance. In particular, I pray on behalf of your brothers Áqá Siyyid Áqá, Áqá Mírzá Jalál, and Mírzá Díyá’u’lláh who are always in my thoughts and whose presence I very much wish to attain.

Enclosed you will please find the account book. I hope that you will inform me of its arrival. Peace and the good pleasure of God be upon you. — Ridá.

Chapter 15 Political Turmoil and Constitutional Revolt

[p. 501:1] As the demise of Qájár rule drew near, each day witnessed a new disturbance or commotion in the nation as a whole, and the occurrences of many incidents, especially in the province of Fárs. Every year brought a new cycle of upheaval, with each lasting some three to four months. The first step in instigating troubles was to encourage the vulgar and the mob elements to compose the most unseemly verses against this party [i.e., Bahá’ís] and to chant these in their street marches, giving vent to all manner of insults and slanders against this people. Rank upon rank of rogues, led first by the youths and followed by the adults, all carrying pistols, rifles, swords, and clubs, would shut the bazaar and congregate in the mosques and shrines demanding the dismissal of the governor. They would advance the charge, “The governor is a Bábí, and we refuse a Bábí governor!” Through the most horrific deeds, they would effect the dismissal of the governor [and other authorities]. And since the central government had grown particularly weak and ineffectual, it was unable to rule and prevent the mob from such disturbances.

Community Infiltration by Dervish ‘Alí

During this time, an insidious character by the name of Dervish ‘Alí became acquainted with some gullible Bahá’ís and expressed a deep desire to learn about the Faith. In response, some of the friends began to teach him, and for a while he associated with the believers working in the bazaar. Through these contacts he learned many Bahá’í expressions and teachings, including the identity of the early believers, the martyrs, and the Letters of the Living of the first Era, and knew the membership of the entire Bahá’í community of Shíráz, young and old alike.

Once he had collected sufficient intelligence, [he showed his true colors and] quietly began to whisper critically about the Faith. Certain non-Bahá’ís capitalized on the situation and, realizing that he was a useful instrument in their designs for turmoil, further encouraged him during periods of disturbance. This unprincipled man, however, worked both sides of the fence. That is, while he was aligned with the troublemakers, he continued his association with many Bahá’í shopkeepers of the bazaar who would secretly show him every consideration and pay him ransom in order for him not to divulge their identity publicly. This, as it turned out, only further incited him in his ways, and in fact he made it his business [to blackmail the friends].

Throughout the year, summer and winter alike, carrying a club, he would walk the streets each day: the mornings among the shops, the middays at the mosque and shrines, and the afternoons in the streets and marketplaces. Thus he would grossly insult and vilify the Cause. He would start by calling out the names of the Holy Figures in the most indecorous language, and add to it insults and abuse on the Letters of the Living and the martyrs of the Cause—all in the most unseemly language and fashion. He would continue in this manner crying out the names of contemporary Bahá’ís, and each name was accompanied by a most indecent characterization or designation. [For instance,] Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Sádiq Khabbáz [baker] was called “‘Umar”; Áqá ‘Alí-Akbar Khádim was “the angel of death”; the Afnán was “Chihl-Chiráq” [forty-light]; this servant was “Imám Zaynu’l-‘Abidín”; Mírzá ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn Thábit was “the Satan”; Mírzá Abú’l-Ḥasan Darvázih-Bán [the gatekeeper] was “the devil”; and with such labels he would identify these personages. The canaille and the ragtag elements would circle round this mongrel, pay him money, and provoke, encourage, and goad him in this contemptible behavior. In such wise he would publicly identify the friends.

For instance, he would come by the Sháh-Chiráq market and stand before [p. 505] the haberdasher shop of four exceptionally devoted, enkindled believers and abuse them by name, saying: “Upon the four candles of the Bábí society, Mírzá Abú’l-Ḥasan, Mírzá Muḥammad-Ridá, Mírzá ‘Alí, and Mírzá Muḥammad, be a hundred thousand curses every instant!” The rabble that circled round this unscrupulous villain would then join in, and they would in unison curse the believers.

He would then proceed a bit further and cry out, “Curses be upon the thrice ill-fated, Mashhadí Khusraw, Mashhadí Nazr, and Mashhadí Safir Kuláh-Mál Sarvistání in Gud-i ‘Arabán!”

The cloister [of the Shrine] of Siyyid Mír Ahmad Sháh-Chiráq witnessed considerable public traffic, where scores of people would congregate and where many believers had their shops and bread-winning stores. Dervish ‘Alí would amass an even larger gathering there and stand for two hours naming all the Bahá’ís one-by-one.

I especially recall that one day I was in the shop of the late Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Sá‘at-Sáz [watch-repairer], where believers would gather most days and meet one another. That dreadful man entered the cloister through the bazaar gate and first named the blessed name and title of His Holiness the Exalted One [the Báb]. Then he named the Blessed Perfection with His titles. And afterwards, Mullá Ḥusayn Bushrú’í, the Letters of the Living, the illustrious Quratu’l-‘Ayn [Táhirih], the martyrs of the Cause, until at the end he came to the believers of the present age, mentioning each [Bahá’í] haberdasher, hat-maker, including Hájí Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Bazzáz who was a merchant at that time. At that time, Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim said to me, “Be attentive as your turn will be soon.” Dervish ‘Alí then named my late father, the Afnán, by saying, “A hundred thousand curses be upon the forty-lights of the Bábís’ grand-priest, Hájí Mírzá Áqá Afnán, and his four offspring, Mírzá Jalál, Mírzá Buzurg, Mírzá Habíb, and Mírzá Díyá’, who live in the Shámshírgarhá Street and serve the Ka‘bih of the Bábís!”

In reality, his introduction of the believers in this way served to let the seekers know that these men could provide information on the Faith and could aid in investigating the truth.

For four years it was thus, and this scoundrel in collusion with other base and vulgar elements would constantly heap insults on the gentle friends. Several times, Habíbu’lláh Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [III], who at that time discharged the offices of Kalántar and Biglar-Baykí of Shíráz, banished that perpetrator of wrong [Dervish ‘Alí] as a means of maintaining the city’s order, preventing public commotion, and protecting the believers from the barrage of insults. Being exiled from the city, he would however continue unhindered in the surrounding towns and villages, and soon would reappear in Shíráz. He also had taught his ill-reputed twelve-year-old son to behave in exactly the same way as he himself did in all the markets and streets.

At the appointed time though, the ocean of divine wrath billowed forth, and this man contracted heinous diseases, such as melancholy and black leprosy. With a thoroughly disfigured face and mouth, he lived homeless in the streets, and all would flee on seeing his diseased person. Even among the foes and the nonbelievers, he became an example of divine chastisement. In the utmost misery and anguish he left this nether world and was condemned to eternal condemnation. “Take heed, O men of understanding.” It was never known what happened to his ill-mannered son after Dervish ‘Alí’s death.

The Second Governorship of the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih

As noted earlier, because of the perpetual turmoil and disturbances, none of the citizens, especially the Bahá’ís, had a moment’s peace. [p. 510] At nights, the roar of guns and rifles, and in daytime, the fury of the riffraff’s protests and uproar of the ragtag and thugs continued. Most shops and marketplaces were closed in fear of the rabble’s attacks and plunder. The ‘ulamá were growing weary of the situation and indeed even sensed personal threats. They repeatedly cabled [the authorities in] Tihrán and succeeded in wining the immediate dismissal of Mírzá Ahmad Khán, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih. The latter left during the night, and affairs were placed in the hands of Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [II]. With this news, tranquility returned to the city, and all the shops opened for business.

A second telegram [from Tihrán] in AH 1322 [1904] announced the appointment of the Prince Malik Mansúr Mírzá, the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih, to the office of governor-general, and he installed Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih, as his deputy-governor and in charge of the city. The Prince arrived after one or two months, and for a year thereafter the city was calm and orderly; and no one breathed any discontent, all working harmoniously with one another and none uttering an insult against the Cause.

This Qájár Prince was the powerful head of the telegraph office and a steadfast Bahá’í.

However, Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, still harbored deep resentments from the governor’s first tenure, the support that the latter had received from the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, and the uproars that were triggered as result of the telegraph office incident. As such, he constantly sought an opportunity to instigate troubles leading to the governor’s demise and exit from the city. Secretly, he met with the ‘ulamá and created favorable conditions for the renewal of turmoil and agitation.

Public Disturbances

The first step was taken when Áqá Mírzá Ibráhím Mahallátí, one of the foremost ‘ulamá, stated in his seminary classes, “From what I have heard, the home of [Mullá] Mayvar, the Jew, has a taller wall than the home of the Muslims. This is against our religious law and is strictly forbidden. His wall must be torn down.” Since they had already assembled all the necessary provisions for a disturbance and altercation, upon this pronouncement, the rabble raised the cry of “Yá ‘Alí!” and “Haydar, haydar!” to the pinnacle of the heavens, and began to march in the streets and the bazaar. All the shops and the markets were shut. Led by wanton women and youngsters, the populace, thugs, and ruffians rushed to that Jewish home, and thoroughly destroyed it and plundered all its possessions. The governor tried to prevent further public disturbances, but it only fueled the fury. That very night, the opposition fortified all the strategic buildings and placed gunmen on the elevations.

When the governor learned that the people, provoked by the ‘ulamá, had arisen to perpetrate mischief and were about to attack the Jewish quarter and murder and plunder the inhabitants of that district, he summoned Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Amír-Panjih [Major General] of the Farydaní forces, and instructed him to protect the Jewish homes. Immediately, Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Mu‘azziamu’l-Mulk, arrayed his soldiers, assigned them to various posts in that quarter, and placed armed guards on the rooftops of the Jewish homes.

The House of the Báb was also located in that quarter.

A staunch Bahá’í.

Led by the ‘ulamá, the mob congregated next morning in the Masjid Naw and Sháh-Chiráq, which were joined together. In unison, they raised the chant, “The Prince is Bábí, and his administration is entirely Bábí! We refuse a Bábí governor!” And in like manner, they began the most indecorous and degrading chants against the Faith and everything associated with this wronged party. The word Bábí and unseemly insults were the currency of the day. Climbing to the Masjid’s roof, they were crying a series of repulsive and abhorrent verses that actually made no sense whatsoever, yet each verse contained an insult to “the Bábí Prince.”

Soon, the congregation—akhúnds, siyyids, dervishes, thugs, and rabble alike—fervently raised the chant of “Bábí, Bábí!” and decided to rush forth and ransack the Jewish quarter, completely destroying the homes belonging to the Bahá’ís and to massacre every believer. The Masjid Naw was in close proximity to the Jewish district [p. 515], and the Blessed House of the Báb was situated between the two. In fact, all the rooftops from the Masjid to the Jewish quarter were contiguous, and in the process, one would need to use the roof of the Blessed House in order to gain access to the Jewish homes. This rendered the position of the Blessed House precariously dangerous.

The commotion in the Masjid continued for three days, and on the third day, when the throng of the ‘ulamá, merchants, shopkeepers, and the populace were assembled, the divines ordered the assault on the [Jewish] quarter and the murder of its inhabitants. The thugs and youngsters began to charge from the rooftops, and a large number took to the streets and rushed in that direction.

Ja‘far-Quli Khán, who was commissioned to protect and safeguard the Jewish neighborhood, had his troops positioned in the quarter. He and some of his men were resting and smoking water-pipes on the rooftop of the residence of Mullá Rabí‘, one of the Jewish merchants. From this vantage-point, he readily saw the mob advancing on the quarter with great haste. He took out of his pocket a copy of the Qur’án and handed it to his special attendant, Mírzá Ḥusayn—one of the most devoted and enkindled Bahá’ís—with the instruction, “With great urgency, reach these ignorant people and tell them on my behalf, ‘I am tasked to safeguard this quarter, and I have sworn on these Words of God that I shall carry out my charge and repulse your assault. Therefore, halt your attack and do not cause difficulties for either of us.”

Mírzá Ḥusayn quickly reached the Masjid and came before the distinguished ‘ulamá conveying the message of the Amír-Panjih only to see his warning completely ignored. Returning at once, Mírzá Ḥusayn informed his commander of the determination of the ‘ulamá to proceed with their aggression, and in turn, Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Amír-Panjih, concluded that once the quarter came under an assault and pillage, then the Blessed House of the Báb would surely be destroyed as well. Therefore, as the throng of the ignorant mob left the Masjid over the rooftops, destined for the [Jewish] quarter, the Amír-Panjih ordered the trumpets sounded, summoned his men, distributed live ammunition to his soldiers, armed himself with a pistol, and stood ready for battle against the mob.

Meanwhile, a number of the friends had joined me in the Blessed House, and these included: Mírzá Lutfu’lláh, the Khádim-Báshí [the governor’s attendant]; Mírzá Muḥammad-Sádiq Khabbáz [the baker]; Mírzá Shukru’lláh Jahrúmí; Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad Khán; and my brothers, Hájí Mírzá Buzurg and Hájí Mírzá Díyá’. One can well imagine the condition that we were in and the uncertainty that governed. Resigned to the Will of God and yearning for His confirmations, we were busy praying fervently and supplicating, and waiting to see what the Almighty had decreed for us.

By then, several of the malcontent and the rabble had reached the roof of the Blessed House, stoning everything below. They were ready to descend to the courtyard and enter the House when Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Amír-Panjih, who was nearby, learned of their position and ordered his men to open fire. The Mu‘azzamu’l-Mulk himself also fired a number of rounds. Altogether several of the young demonstrators were shot and fell from the rooftop into the street, thereby ending their sullied lives and thus being prevented from perpetrating any more harm in their ill-fated lives. When the remaining agitators saw that they were confronted with a potent force and some of their numbers were already shot dead, they retreated forthwith to their position within the Masjid.

Based on his father’s recollections, A.Q. Afnán notes (private communication, August 1997):
The ‘ulamá’s other excuse for uproar and revolt was the presence of Abú’l-Ḥasan Mírzá, the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, who had lived in Shíráz with influence and respect for well nigh fifteen years and who was involved in ecclesiastical matters and delivered fiery sermons. During this time, his Bahá’í identity had been discovered, and because of his close association with the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih and his direct involvement in governmental affairs, they noised abroad, “The Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís has converted the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih and his men to the Bábí Faith.” This tumult was so potent that it forced the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís to leave the city in the middle of the night for Isfahán, leaving his wife and family in care of Shaykh Muḥammad-Taqí Zulqadr Fasá’í who was to send them at a later date. Shaykh Muḥammad-Taqí, who was a Bahá’í and a close companion of the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, delivered his family to their destination, and with much difficulty procured a house for them in Isfahán and saw to their comfort.
Meanwhile, the Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís sent a telegram to the Prince Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih and asked him also to rent a dwelling for him. The Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih rented two residences belonging to Áqá Muḥammad-Javád Sarráf and placed these in the Shaykh’s disposal. About this time [the governor of Isfahán], the Zillu’s-Sultán, left for a hunting expedition. However, this was merely an excuse for not receiving Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís, and he also asked the ecclesiastics not to visit him so that through this inattention haply the refugee would leave the city. To combat this, Mírzá Asadu’lláh Khán Vazír, Áqá Muḥammad Sarráf, and a few other Bahá’ís prepared a tent and a pulpit for Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís to deliver sermons, as he was renowned for his eloquence and deductive style. After a few months, however, he left in favor of residence in Tihrán.
During the entire course of the upheaval in Shíráz, the Qavámu’l-Mulk plotted ways to overthrow the Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih.

Departure of Shaykhu’r-Ra’ís from Shíráz

For three solid months the bazaar, the customs office, and all the shops and emporiums were shut while a number of the governor’s supporters arrayed themselves in the telegraph office. At the same time, a large multitude took to the Masjid [Naw] and Sháh-Chiráq and ferociously would chant, “The governor is Bábí; we refuse a Bábí governor!” During the day, the noise of clamors, insults, and invectives filled the air, and at night-season the roar of gunfire and a barrage of bullets kept everyone frightened to their core.

Eventually, after three months, a telegram was received from Tihrán, dismissing Prince Shu‘á‘u’s-Saltanih from office [p. 520] and summoning him to the capital. The central authorities in Tihrán asked that until the appointment of a new governor, Habíbu’lláh Khán Bíglar-Baykí, the eldest son of Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [II], establish order.

With the Prince’s departure, the marketplaces and shops opened, but because of the killings and a determination to avenge these deaths, an entrenched animosity between Muslims and Jews remained.

The Tenure of ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih Habíbu’lláh Khán ruled the city for three months. During this period, because of the general and persistent disorder that had enveloped the region, none would accept the provincial governorship. Eventually, Mírzá Ahmad Khán, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, accepted this post for yet another term of office. With a large contingent of soldiers and artillery, he arrived in Shíráz on Shá‘bán AH 1323 [October 1905].

Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, p. 92, places the beginning of his governorship on March 1903.

Since during his first term the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih had shown much audacity and had firmly withstood the rabble and the instigators of the revolution, once again he adopted the same approach. He showed no consideration to anyone, least of all the ‘ulamá. He had well understood that during every turmoil and disturbance the ‘ulamá were the fount of waywardness and the begetters of mischief and trouble, and that it was they who constantly strove to raise the banner of discontent and malice, and who provided leadership in this regard. Therefore, under no circumstances would he accept their recommendations or interventions and both in their presence and in their absence would speak most contemptuously of them. Through various means, he endeavored to reduce the ecclesiastics’ influence in people’s eyes.

For instance, he ordered a band to play music by the old Maydán Túpkhánih, which currently is known as the Pahlaví Circle or Bágh Millí [the National Garden]. Several cafés and teahouses were established in that place, and the concourse of citizens were encouraged to frequent the area, partake of the festivities, and make merry. He himself would walk among them in civilian garb and observe their behavior and disposition. Whenever anyone offended another or behaved iniquitously, that person was summarily arrested and dealt with accordingly.

On one occasion, I was present in the Maydán when an akhúnd representing Mírzá Ibráhím Mahallátí came before the illustrious governor [the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih]. He stated, “Áqá Hujjatu’l-Islám has asked me to convey, ‘Since a number of worshipers and I are engaged in offering our obligatory prayers in the [nearby] Masjid Vakíl, the sound of music disturbs our concentration. It would be good if you could order the music stopped during the intervals when the worshipers are praying.’” Upon hearing this comment, the governor pulled the akhúnd forward and slapped him hard, saying, “To hell with Áqá for making this request! You go tell that akhúnd, ‘You keep busy with your duty, and do not interfere with the affairs of the state and the authorities. You say your prayers, and we play our music!’” He added to this several of his choicest curses and sent those as a gift for the Áqá! He then ordered two more bands to join on the opposite sides of the Maydán and to play music as loud as they could!

In short, for a year and a half, he ruled very effectively and prevented the ill-intentioned mischief-makers from instigating trouble. However, since the Qájár’s reign was coming to an end and from other regions revolutionary sentiments and general discontent were spilling over to Shíráz, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih realized that his efforts would soon be neutralized and that agitators would prepare the means of upheaval. Therefore, he cabled his resignation from the governorship of Fárs and proceeded to Tihrán.

The Rule of the Qavámu’l-Mulk, AH 1324

That year passed amiably. During that period, Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [II], was in Tihrán, and the condition of there was unstable and tumultuous, as various groups had conflicting agendas and differing objectives. Every year, a new governor would be appointed for Fárs, but because of the nation-wide turmoil and mayhem, he would be dismissed from office and in a most absurd manner quit the region. [p. 525] Therefore, by then, no one was willing to accept Tihrán’s offer of this post. However, Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, did accede to this overture and arrived back at Shíráz as the new governor-general.

Upon entry into Shíráz he moved quickly to consolidate his position and establish order. He appointed his eldest son, Habíbu’lláh Khán, as his deputy, and his younger son, Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán, the Nasru’d-Dawlih, was put in charge of the armed forces. He further invited to the governor’s office the most prominent leaders of diverse groups and publicly bestowed the robe of honor upon them. In short, he managed to completely seize the reins of the affairs of Fárs into his capable and powerful hands.

This fact, however, did not sit well with the rivals of the Qavámu’l-Mulk, that is, the Núrí family—the descendents of Hájí Amír and Mírzá Na‘ím Núrí, who were mentioned earlier during the course of the Nayríz episodes and the events related to the illustrious Vahíd, and who constituted a family that was most keenly antagonistic toward this sacred Faith. A deep and entrenched animosity had always existed between the Núrí and the Qavám families, and they despised Qavámu’l-Mulk’s absolute authority. Therefore, they began to agitate in opposition, provoked the populace, and won over the ‘ulamá and beturbanned clerics to their designs. Gradually, the pot of sedition came to a boil.

As was customary, the door of mischief was first opened by heaping insults and abuses upon this much wronged community [i.e., Bahá’ís], and the lead was taken by some of the ignorant yet seemingly learned ‘ulamá who from before harbored belligerence towards the Qavámu’l-Mulk. They would say, “All the affairs and administration are handled by Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán [Dihqán], who is a Bábí and is among the chief lieutenants of the Qavámu’l-Mulk. They desire unbridled authority, and with his collusion they plan on the conversion of Muslims to the Bábí religion!”

Gradually, the standard of wickedness was hoisted, and the flame of malice and rebellion was fueled beyond invectives and cursing, evolving into beatings and injuries. Whenever any of the Bahá’ís were seen in the bazaar, without exception, they would be publicly subject to severe torment and harm.

This time the situation was worse than in previous upheavals, since in the past the principal target of assault was the governor, with the Qavám identified with the side of the populace and to some degree always able to exert influence to prevent the crazed mob from injuring the friends. However, this time, it was the Qavám himself who was the governor of Fárs—an event not enjoying popular support—and the instigators of the revolt were the Núrí family, who from the past numbered among the most virulent enemies of this wronged party [i.e., Bahá’ís], aided by the dark-hearted ‘ulamá who harbored resentment towards the Qavám. Therefore, the latter was powerless to protect [the Bahá’í Faith] against the mischief-makers and enemies, and a massacre of the community and the loss of much innocent blood was feared.

Anxious to avoid responsibility [in the anticipated pogrom], the head of the telegraph office cabled Tihrán a detailed report of the activities and objectives of the opposition and the malefactors, thereby making the central authorities aware of the looming situation. He further argued that should the government fail to quickly appoint a sufficiently powerful governor, and he fail to immediately assume his new office, then serious and grievous consequences were assured, as anyone opposing another would use religion as an excuse to achieve their purpose.

The Constitutional Revolt

Upon receiving this report and learning of the situation in Fárs, Ghulám-Ḥusayn Khán Ghaffárí, who was one of the special ministers and among the governor’s ablest administrators, was appointed governor-general of Fárs. Since he was a wise politician, he telegraphed the appointment of the Mudabbiru’s-Saltanih Núrí, who was the author of the mischief and troubles, as the deputy-governor, and himself left in haste for Shíráz.

He arrived towards the end of AH 1324 [circa November 1906] and moved quickly to seize full control. Several experienced ministers accompanied him, such as, the Mustawfi-Nizám, who effectively dealt with all the details. They were able to ensure that none in the city committed a transgression against another, [p. 530] and that those uttering religious insults were summarily arrested and punished.

During this period, the incident of Tihrán occurred, and the widespread revolt and turmoil in the course of the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih’s rule, then governor of Tihrán, spilled over to the rest of the nation. As Muzaffari’d-Dín Sháh was constantly ill and disappointed in absolutist monarchy, he therefore signed and promulgated Iran’s constitution in order to please his subjects. According to the new provisions, each town was to elect a representative to serve on the National Consultative Parliament, and this fact was telegraphed to all the governors and provinces.

Some time earlier, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in a Tablet addressed to Núri’d-Dín, had revealed (INBMC vol. 52, p. 290):
Praise be to God that His Majesty the King exerts the utmost patience, and with justice and equity wards off tyranny and favoritism. In a similar manner, the pillars of the monarchy and the ministers of the government will not tolerate the injustice of certain unwise elements and will exert themselves to bring forth the comfort and happiness of the people. Pray that His Majesty Muzaffar [Sháh] may prevail and his enemies be reduced and vanquished. For verily this Monarch is compassionate and merciful.

As soon as this matter was noised about in Shíráz, once again turmoil commenced, and people divided into several factions. One group rose in support of the constitutional movement, while another in opposition. Many diverse [political] parties were formed, including the democrats, the freedom party, the conservatives, the constitutionalists, and the absolute monarchists. Each of these diverse parties developed activities, organized meetings, identified candidates, published position statements, authored manifestos and policies, made specific promises, and forged alliances over the text of the Qur’án. Far more than at any time in the past, political activism became the norm.

The absolute monarchists would say in one voice, “All of these uproars are incited by the Bahá’ís; they are promoting the constitutional movement. Since they have suffered previously at the hand of the central government and have suffered under its coercion, they now exert themselves in wrecking the majesty of the Throne, and in the name of constitutional law emancipate themselves and cause trouble for the righteous Islamic nation, nay see to its reduction and destruction.”

Conversely, the constitutionalists would say unanimously, “The Bábís and Bahá’ís are antagonists toward parliamentary rule and supporters of absolute monarchy. They do not wish to see the nation ruled and organized by a unified code of law. In the present [revolutionary] chaos, it is they who gain most by promoting their wayward ideas through the illiterate and ignorant masses.”

And yet the democrats would claim, “We champion the masses who must be liberated by any means possible from the injustice of the absolutist yoke and led to the haven of freedom and comfort.” The foremost enemy of the Bahá’ís were the Democratic Party, as they constantly connived to cause trouble and difficulties for this much-wronged people.

It was not long before Muzaffari’d-Dín Sháh passed away and Muḥammad-‘Alí Sháh came to the Throne [in January 1907]. Once more, the field of mischief was thronged with ill-intentioned men who persuaded the Sháh against constitutional law, and he tried to rule as an absolute monarch. From various provinces, men who were not in favor of constitutional reform were summoned to Tihrán, and each was given new orders [to combat the opposition] and sent forth as governors or other officers. Included in this was Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, who [having sided with the Sháh] was called to Tihrán, and after receiving full instructions returned to Shíráz where he formed a number of secret societies and swayed his confidants against the constitution and in favor of absolutist rule and its benefits. These activities, however, only served to fuel the revolution.

From various regions, certain agents, known as Mujáhid, arrived. One group came from Tabríz, with diverse clothing; some others from Burújird; some from Rasht or Mázandarán; and from other places. [p. 535] The town’s mischief-makers were particularly joyous over these devious developments and created their own Mujáhid Society. Each of its members was tasked with the murder of several [opposition figures].

From the root word of Jihád [to exert], this term typically signifies freedom fighters.

The ‘ulamá were also divided into two camps: one supporting the Qavámu’l-Mulk [and his royalist sentiments], while the other was advocating constitutional reform and [parliamentary] law. The sole point of unity among all the diverse groups was their mutual animosity towards the divine friends [Bahá’ís] and their abuse and insults of the believers. Every preacher who ascended the pulpit would devote his entire sermon, from the beginning to the end, to bitter denunciation, assault, and opprobrium of the Cause, and slanders and calumny against its wronged adherents. They would say, “The very authors of the constitutional movement are these people [Bahá’ís]. This is because the foremost objective of this wayward group and the principal teaching of this insidious party are to strengthen the foundation of the constitutional and republican movement. We must exert our utmost to thoroughly eradicate these loathsome and ungodly people to ensure the tranquility of the nation and protect the radiance of Islam. Should anything other than this be attempted, the peace and freedom that we cherish will never be achieved.”

Similarly, every cleric or preacher who was supportive of the constitutional reform would devote his entire sermon or homily to the destruction and extermination of the Bahá’ís. They would say, “The main supporters of despotism are the Bahá’ís. We must first thoroughly uproot them so that the absolutists are frustrated and constitutional law is promulgated throughout the land.”

And when the Mujáhidíns arrived, the absolutists claimed, “Mujáhidíns are entirely Bábís!” And likewise, the constitutionalists insisted, “Mujáhidíns are all Bábís!” In the midst of all this commotion, the believers were given not a moment’s rest or respite, and were the objects of attack of every party. As the famous adage states, “Harm always comes to the weak!” After the public’s ears were filled with such sentiments and the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s objectives became universally known, the citizens of Shíráz were divided into three factions:

A large majority who were constitutionalists; The absolutist supporters of the Qavámu’l-Mulk; And the moderates, meaning those who had no views.

Once affairs were arranged, various coalitions established, and groups organized, Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, made a public announcement, summoning the whole of Shíráz and every strata of society, including the distinguished ‘ulamá, the wealthy, the merchants, shopkeepers, farmers and others, to a meeting in Masjid Naw at three hours before dusk on Thursday. For this purpose the mosque’s courtyard was carpeted, tea and water-pipes were readied, and a number of ushers and servants enlisted. In the afternoon, rank upon rank of Shírázís gathered at the Masjid, and throngs filled the balconies and adjacent verandas, all waiting with great anticipation to see what would transpire and what end was to be achieved. After tea, water-pipes, and refreshments were served to the gentlemen, the Qavámu’l-Mulk stood to deliver his speech. In their eagerness to hear his words, people pressed closer to hear him more clearly and to learn his purpose.

Standing at the top of a pulpit made of ancient stone, the Qavámu’l-Mulk commenced in a resonant voice by first praising the majesty, the glory, and the sovereignty of Qájár Dynasty, and spoke especially of the abilities, courage, and the valor of Muḥammad-‘Alí Sháh. He then added:

O ye, citizens of Fárs! Unlike other places, you must be devoted to the Sháh and aid the government, and must not be swayed by insidious and evil-minded individuals. The people that bestir themselves in opposition to the government have shown their true colors, and it is known what sort of people they are and what the nature of their objectives. You must not allow yourselves to be manipulated by them. By God, I am your one true friend! The scheme put forward at present and known as “constitutional monarchy” derives from a source and spring whose provenance is known to me alone, and unknown to you. And that source is none other than the newfangled party [i.e., the Bahá’ís] who for many years have been anticipating this day. Currently, they wish [p. 540] to implement their true intent in its entirety. Since you are not familiar with them, I will now prove this to you and demonstrate it adequately so that you might be fully assured of it.

With this comment, he pulled out a copy of the Kitáb-i Aqdas from his overcoat and with the resonant voice read the following verse:

“Let nothing grieve thee, O Land of Tá, for God hath chosen thee to be the source of the joy of all mankind. He shall, if it be His Will, bless thy throne with one who will rule with justice, who will gather together the flock of God which the wolves have scattered. Such a ruler will, with joy and gladness, turn his face towards, and extend his favors unto, the people of Bahá. He indeed is accounted in the sight of God as a jewel among men. Upon him rest forever the glory of God and the glory of all that dwell in the kingdom of His revelation.

Tihrán

“Rejoice with great joy, for God hath made thee ‘the Dayspring of His light’, inasmuch as within thee was born the Manifestation of His Glory. Be thou glad for this name that hath been conferred upon thee—a name through which the Day-Star of grace hath shed its splendor, through which both earth and heaven have been illumined.

“Ere long will the state of affairs within thee be changed, and the reins of power fall into the hands of the people.”

Bahá’u’lláh, The Kitáb-i Aqdas, K91–93. Mírzá Habíbu’lláh does not quote the entire passage from the Aqdas, and only mentions the beginning and the end phrases. However, for the ease of reference and better flow, the entire passage is included in this translation.

O people! Do you really want to implement the constitutional reform promised by Mírzá Ḥusayn-‘Alí Bahá’u’lláh to His followers and to adopt His laws and percepts? Do you want to endure this regret? Do you not perceive that if you aid them in this regard, you will lose both worlds and will win for yourselves the curse of God and His Messenger, Who will thoroughly reject you? Do not commit that which will cause His Prophet [i.e., Muḥammad] to turn away from you, for you to stand before Him filled with shame!

I have just come from Tihrán and know well what is transpiring in the capital. Today, the Bábís and Bahá’ís are the promoters of constitutional reform. All the disturbances in Tihrán during the reign of the late Muzaffari’d-Dín Sháh were at the hand of these people! Since the late Muzaffari’d-Dín Sháh was in ill-health and depressed and having no other recourse, he signed the constitution. However, His Majesty Muḥammad-‘Alí Sháh is against such a notion, as he is fully aware that such erroneous concept is based on Bahá’u’lláh’s promise to His people! Of a certainty, you will aid and succor your loving Sovereign in this important matter.

Having uttered such calumnies, he descended from the pulpit. Present at the gathering were several of the leading constitutionalists, such as Shaykh Muḥammad-Báqir Istahbánátí, Siyyid Ahmad Dashtakí, Hájí ‘Alí Áqá Dhú’r-Riyásatyn [twin chiefs], and some others. Unable to hold back their fury, they protested vigorously and forcibly stated:

With these nonsensical comments, the Qavámu’l-Mulk intends to confuse people and uproot the constitution. However, it is now impossible to erase this sentiment [i.e., reform] from people’s mind. The tree of the constitution, the choicest fruit of which is the law, will never be uprooted! The feast of absolutists and despotism will never again be spread, and the likes you can never enjoy its corrupt benefits. No longer will you be masters, able to rule as feudal landlords where you can enslave the working masses and treat them as purchased possessions!

Following such protests, a huge uproar and commotion ensued, and it was feared that many among the assemblage in the mosque would be killed. When the Qavám realized that the atmosphere was too explosive, he abandoned his kinsmen and party supporters and quietly slipped away using a small door beneath the pulpit. When he reached the outside, he mounted [a steed] and with great haste fled to his [well-protected] residence.

Afterwards, Hájí Shaykh Muḥammad-Báqir Istahbánátí, Hájí Siyyid Ahmad Dashtakí Mu‘ínu’l-Islám, and Hájí ‘Alí Áqá Dhú’r-Riyásatyn together with the Democratic Party and the Mujáhidín gathered in the home of the Dhú’r-Riyásatyn and collectively agreed, “Muḥammad-Ridá Khán’s speech against the Bahá’ís was based on seditious plans, and we should not heed it in the least, but must ignore it completely. The Qavám’s purpose is to disrupt the constitutional process and has nothing to do with the teaching of the Bábís and Bahá’ís. He wishes to once again subjugate the people under his own vain imaginings and schemes.”

To this, Hájí ‘Alí Áqá added, “I know well that Bahá’ís would never interfere in governmental affairs or political discussions, much less would they agitate to sway the nation, be it toward constitutional reform or toward maintaining absolutism. The purpose of the Qavám in his talk at the Masjid was to discredit the reformists and to turn people against the constitutionalists by associating the constitutional movement with the Bábís and Bahá’ís”

Hájí Shaykh Muḥammad-Báqir noted, “And what harm is there even if it were so? [p. 545] For us constitutionalists, the best thing would be for the entire country, from whatever rank or creed, to support such parliamentary reforms. If they [i.e., Bahá’ís] are patriotic and nationalistic, then it behooves them to support the constitutionalist party. And if they are against such reforms, then it is of cardinal importance to thoroughly eradicate them from this land.”

And finally, Hájí Mu‘ínu’l-Islám commented, “It is imperative for all Iranian citizens to be supportive of the constitution and to repudiate the tyranny of absolutism, and this includes all Jews, Christians, Muslims, the Bábís and Bahá’ís. We must never heed the kind of calumny uttered today by the Qavám.”

When the Qavámists became apprised of the report of the constitutionalists’ discussions, they spread far and wide among the bazaar shopkeepers the claim that “Shaykh Muḥammad-Báqir and Hájí ‘Ali Áqá are Bábís. Because if they were not, they would never speak in such a manner.”

In short, this much-wronged community was a target of both sides who would use it as an excuse to advance their own agenda. That is, the constitutionalists would say, “Bahá’ís support the absolutists,” and the monarchists would claim, “Bahá’ís are the mainstay of the constitutional movement.” And such news and proclamations were profoundly difficult for the friends to bear. The matter escalated to such a degree that they could not even leave their homes or step into the streets, since doing so carried the risk of running into one of the factions and being harmed or mistreated.

Multiple Assassinations

On Saturday, 1 Safar AH 1326 [5 March 1908], from the early morning hours until half an hour before lunch, Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, met with a number of his men in a large orchard adjacent to his private residence. He encouraged them to act against the wishes and interests of the constitutionalists and made plans for factions [under his control] to undertake various demonstrations and protests. Having completed his discussions and plans, he returned to the inner apartment of his home for lunch and, while he was descending the stairs, a certain Mujáhid, known among people as Ni‘matu’lláh Burújirdí, shot the Qavám three times in the heart with a small German pistol. Forthwith, Muḥammad-Ridá Khán left this world of pain for the world above.

Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 3, p. 401, places this event a year earlier on February 1907 when Qavám was 57 years of age.

A huge uproar ensued in the Qavám’s courtyard and orchard, and the assassin was seized and on the spot fatally beaten by fists, kicks, sticks, and stones—and he too was relieved of the afflictions of this merciless world. Afterwards, they thoroughly searched his person to see what documentation could be found to identify the instigator of this crime, but none could be found.

Failing in their search, they nevertheless raised the cry, “Ni‘matu’lláh Burújirdí was a Bábí! The Qavám’s assassins were the Bábís! The murder was ordered by Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán Kávarí, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván!” [They were placing this blame with] the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván, because by virtue of his exceptional courage, valor, and audacity, it was well known among the populace that he was a Bahá’í, and no one doubted his allegiance to the Faith. Moreover, [it was learned that] Ni‘matu’lláh Burújirdí had stayed at his [the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván’s] home, and therefore they were convinced that all evidence pointed to him regarding the Qavám’s assassination.

In short, the remains of the Qavámu’l-Mulk were washed, coffined, and laid out. His personal Ḥusayniyyih was canopied, where a large mourning gathering and prayer vigil was organized with throngs of people from every class, such as distinguished ‘ulamá, merchants, shopkeepers, and other diverse groups came to share in the mourning from morn until eve.

In Arabic they would be translated as places of mourning (or remembrance) of the Imam. 

On the third and the final day of the bereavements, approaching noontime, all the ‘ulamá, businessmen, and prominent citizens of Shíráz had gathered for the occasion, and Habíbu’lláh Khán and Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán, the Nasru’d-Dawlih, [the Qavám’s two sons] were sitting next to each other greeting the mourners. [p. 550] At midday the gathering concluded and the two gentlemen rose to thank the mourners and bid them farewell. Among the participants were members of the Democratic Party as well as [the leading constitutionalists] Áqá Shaykh Muḥammad-Báqir Istahbánátí and Hájí Siyyid Ahmad Dashtakí, known as the Mu‘ínu’l-Islám. Of a sudden, the sound of a gunshot was heard, and Habíbu’lláh Khán collapsed to the ground screaming. His people cried out, “Once more, they have assassinated our master!” And with that, they quickly whisked him away over their shoulders to his home.

In the ensuing pandemonium, frightened people were fleeing in every direction and included among them were the aforementioned Áqá Shaykh Muḥammad-Báqir and Hájí Siyyid Ahmad, the Mu‘ínu’l-Islám, who quickly exited the Ḥusayniyyih and proceeded in haste toward their residence. However, they were followed by the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s supporters, who bruited about that Áqá [i.e., Habíbu’lláh Khán] was shot. After a short distance, one of the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s men shot Áqá Shaykh Muḥammad-Báqir in the back. He fell to the ground injured and screaming when a certain Sabbágh [painter] saw him and lifted him over his shoulders, and tried to carry him home, but both he and the Shaykh were shot dead on the spot from behind.

In Arabic they would be translated as places of mourning (or remembrance) of the Imam. 

Subsequent to the Shaykh’s assassination, Hájí Siyyid Ahmad, the Mu‘ínu’l-Islám, was chased with the greatest haste, seized, and brought back to the Ḥusayniyyih where he was brutally murdered. His remains were hung from the entrance, and the cry was raised, “We have exacted a revenge for our master’s death and killed his murderers! Now the rest of the wayward and infidel Bábís can see what we intend!” With that, they burnt the corpse with straw and kerosene, and dragged it for some time through the streets and the bazaar, eventually throwing it into a well, known as the Qal‘ih-Bandar, on the Sa‘diyyih Mountain.

In Arabic they would be translated as places of mourning (or remembrance) of the Imam. 

It should be easy to imagine the sort of tumult that overtook the city at that time and how wicked people took advantage of all these pretexts to cause mischief. All thoughts and discussions were solely on the issue of the Bábís and Bahá’ís. It was an obstreperous and turbulent period. Anyone who committed a villainous act would blame it on this Faith and its adherents. Everyone admittedly maintained that both the murder of the Qavám and the injury of [his son] Habíbu’lláh Khán were the doing of the Bábís! They even widely spread rumors in the city that it was solely the Bábís who killed Shaykh Muḥammad-Báqir and in a heinous manner burnt [Hájí Siyyid Ahmad] Mu‘ínu’l-Islám! In unanimity they would cry out, “The Bábís committed all these deeds and atrocities!” Thus, each day brought a new wave of persecution.

By then the situation between the two contending factions of the constitutionalists and the royalists had reached its peak and deteriorated into open murder and battle. Animosity had reached its zenith, and the two sides constantly imprecated each other. The governor reported the matter to Tihrán at length and asked the court for instructions on how to deal with the situation. The Royal Court replied that Muḥammad-Ridá Khán’s [the Qavámu’l-Mulk] sons were to be sent to Europe. Therefore, both Habíbu’lláh Khán and Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán, the Nasru’d-Dawlih, were sent by the governor from Shíráz to Búshihr and from thence to Europe.

With their departure from Shíráz, Fárs became somewhat tranquil, since at least the absolutists’ main support was withdrawn. Gradually, the constitutionalists grew in strength and number, and the vast majority of the multitude favored parliamentary reforms. Nevertheless, the insidious elements continued to ensure that the Faith remained current in people’s mind and that it was blamed for every wicked incident.

The Itihád Islám Society

During this time, the foes and enemies [of the Bahá’í Faith] organized a society known as the Itihád Islám [the Islamic unity] with the sole objective of opposing, countering, battling, and eradicating this much-wronged Faith. During the months of Muharram, Safar, and Ramadán, from every mosque and pulpit, they would launch bitter denunciations and engage in slander and insults [against the Bahá’í Cause]. They taught their lads [p. 555] to confront the believers in the streets, by their shops and stores, to loudly curse and scorn them, and to pursue their victims with rocks and stones. The Bahá’í children were particular targets of these vicious assaults and were repeatedly attacked every time they came outside. Several despicable and bitter foes penned polemics in verse, put on the garb of dervishes and constantly frequented the streets, the bazaars, the mosques, and all the public places, resonantly chanting these poems—and in between verses insulting and vilifying the Cause—and after having defamed the Sacred Figures, they would heap contempt upon each of the renowned believers, who were named individually. Hearing such profane mocking and being the subject of relentless attacks would cause the believers to shed bitter tears and would break their hearts. We knew not what we could do to lessen this fury.

The genesis of pan-Islamism and of this society are rooted in the efforts of Siyyid Jamálu’d-Dín Afghání.

It was during this time that many Tablets were revealed by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in honor of various friends, and in these He strictly forbade the believers from participating in political affairs, disallowed involvement in political parties, and proscribed membership in any of the factions. He admonished the believers to dissociate themselves from any entity from whose activities the odor of dissension and disunity could be perceived. He even instructed the friends neither to attend rallies and demonstrations that could be construed as political in nature, nor to accept membership in any society, that they might remain safe and protected. In light of these instructions from our beloved Master, none of the believers attended any political gatherings or became entangled with any party. When any of our coreligionists was invited to attend a [political] gathering or join a party or in some way join with a society, he would offer an excuse and not participate—this held true even on occasions where such participation was demanded. Believers’ avoidance of such activities and their lack of support for various cabals, of necessity, served to deepen people’s enmity and suspicion toward us.

Meeting with a Leading Constitutionalist

In those days, the present writer had a particular matter to discuss with Hájí ‘Alí Áqá Dhú’r-Riyásatyn and as such went to see him. Typically when we met, he would inquire about various Bahá’í subjects and tidings, and would especially inquire after ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, as he was very attached to the Faith.

Hájí ‘Alí Áqá was the chief of the Ni‘matu’lláhí mystical order of Shíráz, and Mírzá Habíbu’lláh has added the following parenthetical comments about him: “The Hájí ‘Ali Áqá was a most righteous and good-natured man who had a considerable knowledge of this Cause. He would attend the private meetings of the friends and was well acquainted with the divine verses. Indeed, he even owned many [Bahá’í] books, such as Ishráqát, Mufávidát [Some Answered Questions], the Kitáb-i Aqdas, and the [Kitáb-i] Fará’id.”

However, that day, upon seeing me, he inquired, “Why do you isolate yourself, avoid membership in political parties, and disassociate yourself therefrom? Is it not the case that Bahá’ís also cherish establishment of constitutional laws? Is it not true that Bahá’u’lláh in the Kitáb-i Aqdas and the Tablet of the World has clearly and emphatically enjoined upon Iran the acquisition of a constitutional framework? Therefore, it seems evident that you [Bahá’ís] must be more supportive of this effort than others and exert your utmost to promote this critical undertaking. Certainly, you will not be well served by your avoidance of these parties and absence from the democratically organized gatherings. You must be present and succor such efforts, and encourage and persuade all the Bahá’ís to attend as well.”

Bahá’u’lláh, Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 83–97.

Noting that he was adamant in his view, this servant replied with wisdom, “Clearly, Your Excellency is correct in everything you have stated. We, too, deeply desire constitutional reform and have no objections whatsoever to it. After all, as your own good self has mentioned, it is one of the divine promises that Iran will be adorned with the rule of law. However, as we are much too renowned, were we to participate in your political rallies, it would provide the absolutists with an excuse to discourage people from the constitutional reform and would make this fundamental document a plaything of the ignorant. That is, with our participation, you will not succeed. Wisdom is imperative under all conditions. You know full well [p. 560] that the Party of God [i.e., Bahá’ís] not only does not oppose your proposed reforms, but also is most supportive of them.”

On hearing this reasoning, he stated, “Of course you are right, and I agree too. But do your best to nurse people into adoption of the constitution.”

Formation of the First Local Spiritual Assembly of Shíráz

In the midst of all the turmoil and worries, and at the height of the [constitutional] revolt, emphatic instructions were issued from the Holy Land for the formation of the Local Spiritual Assembly [of Shíráz]—that is, nine believers who received the highest number of votes were to congregate once a week to consult on all spiritual matters and on ways of ensuring the community’s continual, strict avoidance of political affairs and membership in various parties.

Therefore, on Friday, 5 Jamádíyu’l-Avval AH 1325 [5 June 1908], the entire Bahá’í community of every creed came together in the home of Hájí Mírzá ‘Alí, known as Taryakí. The following nine believers received the highest votes: Mírzá Áqá Khán Bashíru’s-Sultán; Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán; Áqá Siyyid Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Afnán; Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán; Hájí Mírzá Buzurg Afnán; Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad Khán, the Muvaqarru’d-Dawlih; Mírzá ‘Alí Ashraf ‘Andalíb; Hájí Mírzá Ḥusayn-‘Alí ‘Amu’í; and Hájí Mírzá Habíbu’lláh Afnán.

The Assembly resolved to meet on Fridays at three o’clock in the afternoon at the [Báb’s] martyred uncle’s house, which ‘Abdu’l-Bahá had designated as a Mashriqu’l-Adhkár. In accordance with the Master’s instruction, the late Muvaqarru’d-Dawlih had purchased two-thirds of this house, which had belonged to non-Bahá’ís, and had donated it to the Faith. The remaining third belonged to three groups of the Afnán family: the children of Hájí Mírzá Abú’l-Qásim Afnán; the descendants of Hájí Mírzá Siyyid Ḥasan, the Afnán Kabír; and Zahrá Bagum. They, too, had ceded their shares to the Faith, and therefore in its entirety the house belonged to the Cause.

In short, the Assembly meetings were held in this sacred location. With the utmost care, the Assembly was vigilant that none among the believers would associate in any way with any of the political parties and that the friends would avoid entanglement in such trappings.

The Murder of the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván

In that year, Sultán Mas‘úd Mírzá, the Zillu’s-Sultán, was appointed governor-general of Fárs. Upon arrival, since the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s sons were no longer in Shíráz, he gave Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván, the rights over the ‘Arab and Khamísh tribes which had been part of the Qavám’s estate. And the story of that incident is as follows.

At the beginning of the absolutists movement, the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván was among the inner circle of the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s most trusted men. Since Muḥammad-Ridá Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk, explicitly trusted these two men, he would not attempt any undertakings without consultation and without the concurrence of Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán and Áqá Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán. However, during the first tenure of the governorship of Mírzá Ahmad Khán, the ‘Alá’u’d-Dawlih, a grave misunderstanding occurred between the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván and the Qavámu’l-Mulk that eventually escalated into open belligerency. The former completely withdrew from the affairs of the Qavámu’l-Mulk and threw his lot with the Qavám’s enemies, aiding their designs.

An absolutist is someone who believes that the best form of government allows one person to hold all the power.

As a prelude to this division, the Qavám subjected Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán to the bastinado, an act which he greatly resented.

‘Abdu’l-Bahá was informed of this situation and in several sacred Tablets addressed to Muḥammad-Ḥusayn Mírzá, the Mu’ayyadu’s-Saltanih, emphatically stated, “Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán and Muḥammad-Ridá Khán must be united with one another. Setting aside their differences and enmities, they must associate with each other in oneness and harmony. However, should they do otherwise, a grievous end awaits them both.” The Master’s admonishment was shared with both, but to no avail. Later, during the constitutional revolt, [as foretold by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá] the Qavám perished.

As the Mu‘tamidu’d-Díván was fully informed of the extent [p. 565] of the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s estate, he organized a large contingent of armed force and together with artillery and many soldiers proceeded in the direction of the ‘Arab tribe in hope of fully consolidating the divergent elements of the estate. Informed of this undertaking, the Qavám’s family, however, planned to murder Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán.

With grandeur and much ceremony, in Rabí‘u’l-Avval AH 1325 [April 1907] the camp moved from Shíráz and at a distance of fifteen farsang, in the vicinity of Saydún, a certain ‘Askar Khán ‘Arab, one of the ‘Arab Kalántars, shot Mírzá Ḥusayn Khán from behind. Seeing the latter fall from his horse, his brother, ‘Abbás Khán, quickly reached him, but he too was shot dead.

Given that the Zillu’s-Sultán became the governor of Fárs during AH 1326, “AH 1325” seems to be a copyist error, and the correct date should be AH 1326.

A great pandemonium ensued, and the camp fell in complete disarray. In no time, the ‘Arab tribesmen seized the supply of guns, artilleries, tents, and provisions. When this news reached Shíráz, a blanket of fear enshrouded the city, as everyone was deeply frightened of the prospect of heavily armed ‘Arab tribes attacking the city and leaving none standing. In this fear, all were united—whether reformist, royalist, democrat, moderates, or Mujáhid—all felt the same way. No longer was anyone speaking of the Bábís or Bahá’ís. Everyone was apprehensive as to what fate awaited them.

It was during this time that Muḥammad-‘Alí Sháh [disrupted the reforms and] discharged his cannons on the Parliament Building, seizing and executing several of the opposition. However, uniting their forces, Sipahdár from the North and Sardár As‘ad Bakhtíyár from the South attacked Tihrán, took the command of affairs into their own hands, and surrounded the royal palace. Muḥammad-‘Alí Sháh fled to the Russian Consulate and took refuge there. The Parliament dethroned the latter, and since Ahmad Mírzá had not reached the age of maturity, he was named the Throne’s vice-regent. In haste, Muḥammad-‘Ali Mírzá left the capital.

Muḥammad-‘Alí Sháh’s abdication occurred on 16 July 1909.

All the ministers and governors appointed during the reign of Muḥammad-‘Ali Mírzá were summoned to Tihrán, including Zillu’s-Sultán who was dismissed from his post in Fárs.

The Governorship of Ásifu’d-Dawlih

Ghulám-Ridá Khán, the Ásifu’d-Dawlih Sháhsún, was appointed to the office of governor-general of Fárs and with a large contingent [of armed forces] arrived in Shíráz on Jamádíy’th-Thání AH 1326 [July 1908]. He was a Turk, an ineffective administrator, and incapable of rule in Fárs. During his tenure, the affairs of Fárs were in total chaos, and anyone could commit any act he wished. The rabble and the enemies took advantage of the situation and were committing all manners of atrocities against the believers—far worse than before. With the utmost cruelty, the friends suffered great difficulties.

As an example of civil disorder in this period, the following comment by Abú’l-Qásim Afnán was shared for inclusion as a footnote (private communication, December 1997): “During the Ásifu’d-Dawlih’s rule, Mírzá ‘Alí-Muḥammad Khán, the Muvaqqari’d-Dawlih, occupied a senior position in the British Consulate, and his job often required him to visit the governor. One day on his return from such a visit, his carriage was attacked, his horse shot dead, and he stripped of all possessions. In this state, he returned to the governor’s residence, harshly stating, ‘The affairs in the province have deteriorated to such a point that shots are fired on a man of my standing, and he is assaulted in the front of the Governor’s Ark!’ The Ásifu’d-Dawlih replied, ‘The attackers were your own gunmen instructed to kill Mírzá Muḥammad-Báqir Khán and in error attacked you instead.’ These kind of incidents and incompetence were communicated to Tihrán, and soon the Ásifu’d-Dawlih was removed from the office, and Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Sahámu’d-Dawlih, was appointed as the governor-general of Fárs.”

Not long thereafter, after a sojourn in Europe, the Qavámu’l-Mulk’s sons returned in accord with the wishes of the government and came to Fárs.

Day-by-day, the believers grew in their love and rapture in the Cause. The greater the intensity of persecution and tyranny against them, the greater their unity and fellowship. Despite all the obstacles, day and night they were immersed in serving the Faith, teaching its healing Message, and awakening souls. During this time, Áqá Mírzá Tarázu’lláh, son of the illustrious Samandar, and Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Akbar Rafsinjání arrived in Shíráz and commenced teaching in that city and its environs, such as Ábádih, Nayríz, Sarvistán, Dariyán, Jahrum, and other places, and succeeded in enrolling a large number under the banner of God’s divine canopy.

Sarvistán had changed its character from the earlier days when Bahá’ís were persecuted. By then most of the town’s influential figures and headmen were Bahá’ís. The Bahá’í community of this town lived in relative tranquility and was a refuge for Bahá’ís of other communities who occasionally had to escape the wrath of persecution.

At that time Jahrum had more than 500 Bahá’ís and was administered by Siyyid Muḥammad, son of Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn Lárí. Both father and son perpetrated great harm against the Bahá’í Faith at later dates.

Chapter 16 Bahá’í Martyrdom in Nayríz

[p. 570:1] During this period [winter of 1909], the heart-wrenching, heart-rending event of Nayríz occurred, and the details of that incident, perpetrated by Hájí Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn Lárí, are as follows:

With his seat of power situated in Lár—a place known particularly for its warm [and inhospitable] climate—Hájí Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn was a low-ranking, ordinary cleric. He had built a long and checkered record in deceiving people. Gradually, he expanded his circle of influence to include such regions as Bastak, Lár, Galih-Dár, Jahrum, Dáráb, and Sar-Kúh. The inhabitants of those territories had fallen under his spell to such extent that they would consider it imperative to obey his every wish, nay, would deem his commands more meritorious and obligatory than their religious duties. In such depth had his authority penetrated the hearts of the population that if he were to declare their wives forbidden unto them, the people would immediately obey and would maintain their separation. They had noised abroad many stories of miracles and prodigies about him and would say, “Áqá, spreads his prayer mat on the pool and offers his prayers standing on the water! He ascends the fence and canters upon it like a mount!” Such rubbish had become the foundation of the firm belief of that region. They would even take his ablution water for medicinal purposes, and with colossal prices barter the same with one another. All this had enabled this man to greatly expand his influence.

Died in 1923 in Jahrum; for a biography see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 2, pp. 257–58.

Persecutions in Nayríz

When the tumultuous news of Muḥammad-‘Alí Sháh’s abdication and the installation of General As‘ad [Bakhtiyárí as the Prime Minister] was received, this gave Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn new ideas. Arraying a large number of armed men around him, he began to cherish designs for an [independent] sovereignty and throne. He issued commands and orders, and sent these forth for execution; summoned all the rulers and chieftains of the region, as far as Istahbánát and Nayríz, and incited them to submission and inflamed their greed; ordered a widespread jihád; seized and placed under his own rule all the government functions, such as the treasury, post office, and the police; printed stamps [under the title of “the nation of Islam”] and paper currency in his own name; he organized mercenary forces from local thugs; placed each district under the command of a savage rabble and fixed a reign of terror.

Abú’l-Qásim Afnán notes, “An example of Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn’s savagery was the beheading in his own home of seventy-two of the tribal chiefs and the nobility of Garash, one of the dependencies of Lár. He claimed these men were the promoters of the constitution and the followers of the Qavámu’l-Mulk [III]. When this news was communicated to Muḥammad-‘Alí Sháh, he sent a telegram to the Nasru’d-Dawlih, who at that time was the military chief of Fárs, which read, ‘Beloved of the sovereign, Nasru’d-Dawlih! Where art thou? Who is Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn? All hail to the king!’ Before an answer was received, the monarch was ousted from the throne” (private communication, August 1997).

Among this latter group numbered Shaykh Zakariyyá [of Sar-Kúh], who was assigned the command of Sar-Kúh, Ma‘ádin, and the districts of Istahbánát and Nayríz. That barbarous tyrant, together with a force in excess of a thousand strong, all thoroughly bereft of humanity and civility, moved towards Nayríz. A distance of two days’ journey from town, he wrote to the Shaykhu’l-Islám [of Nayríz], stating essentially:

Shaykhu’l-Islám; Muḥammadan high-priest; title of highest degree in Muslim religion. Head of religious court, and appointed to every large city by the Sháh.

His Excellency, the Ayatu’lláh Áqá Hájí Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn has currently ascended the throne, and the constitutional monarch is none other besides him. All must show submissiveness before him by considering his every command their religious obligation. As in accord with the all-sovereign wishes of the illustrious Ayatu’lláh, I have arrived in this region today, I hereby charge you that, congruent with the instructions contained in this letter, you chain and send before me all the absolutist monarchists so that I many send them under guard to the illustrious Ayatu’lláh, the Sultánu’l-Muslimín [the king of Muslims], that he may punish them in conformity with Islamic jurisprudence.

Moreover, you are to purge Nayríz of all members of the wayward and perverse Bahá’í community.

Should anything other than what is commanded in this letter occur, then stand forewarned that I will come forth to Nayríz and will show no mercy to anyone. Signed by me, Zakariyyá Ansárí

And on the envelope he fixed his [p. 575] seal, “Nasiru’l-Islám” [the defender of Islam]. Upon receipt of this letter in Nayríz, some opted to bend before his will, while others at first remained neutral but eventually grew apprehensive of grave consequences and resolved to defend themselves [against Shaykh Zakariyyá]. As a measure of protection, the inhabitants of Nayríz commissioned a number of gunmen to the Sayf-Ábád Fort and secured and established fortifications on all the elevated spots and prepared for defense. However, the residents of Sayf-Ábád were entirely in favor of the new regime, which allowed the Shaykh [Zakariyyá] and his rabble to benefit immensely from the situation. [Noting this betrayal,] some of the Nayrízí gunmen quit their fortification, while others threw in their lot with the Shaykh and led him triumphantly to Nayríz.

At the head of a large contingent, the Shaykh arrived in Nayríz and opened his hands and gave vent to massive looting of all Muslims—even the home of the Shaykhu’l-Islám. However, as the home of the Shaykhu’l-Islám and the surrounding homes had established fortifications and turrets, he decided to select that quarter as his own headquarters and fortress.

Presumably, a reference to the Bazaar quarter that in the 1850s served the city against the Bábí revolts.

With much embellishment and great detail, [Shaykh Zakariyyá] wrote of his victory to Sar-Kúh and Istahbánát and told them of what had transpired in exaggerated language. Overtaken by greed, the residents of those towns decided to proceed to Nayríz, knowing well that booty and spoils of pillage awaited them. After such a beginning, he commenced the murder and plundering of Bahá’í residents and ignited the fire of mischief and fueled the flames of hatred.

Meanwhile, Muḥammad-Ḥasan Khán, the deputy-governor [of Nayríz], fled the city. On hearing reports of the events, due to his innate incompetence, Hájí Ásifu’d-Dawlih [the governor-general of Fárs] failed to intervene, thereby allowing the flames of mischief to burn brightly.

On the Shaykh’s behalf, public criers proclaimed throughout Nayríz, “Anyone submitting a captive Bahá’í, will be rewarded with a rifle. Henceforth, all Muslims are safe and secure. Our sole purpose is to slay all the Bahá’ís and none other.” On hearing this announcement, the friends of the Merciful [i.e., Bahá’ís], who had previously gathered in the Masjid Jam‘ih and had fortified that stronghold, retreated and fled. The vast majority of them went into the surrounding mountains and took refuge in caves.

Masjid Jum‘ih Kabírih was located in the old Chinár-Sukhtih quarter, where most Bahá’ís resided. From the time of Vahíd Dárábí in 1850, this fortified mosque had served as an important stronghold for the Bábís and Bahá’ís.

According to the narrative of Mullá Muḥammad-Sháfí‘ Nayrízí, during 1853, the Bábí community of Nayríz took to mountains where several hundred of them perished in the most gruesome manner through their struggles with the military forces sent against them. For details see Rabbani, The Bábís of Nayríz: History and Documents.

Bahá’í Martyrdoms

The following day, [two of the believers,] Mullá Muḥammad-‘Alí and his son-in-law, Mullá Ḥasan, were working the farm fields of Bíd-Lang, and were found and seized by the agitators. Bound, they were taken to Shaykh Zakariyyá. “We have brought you Bahá’ís!” they joyfully announced. That murderous tyrant and merciless tormenter immediately ordered their execution by firing squad. Thus, those two wronged-ones were martyred.

This incident bolstered the people’s audacity, as they realized that in order to rescue themselves from the fury of [Shaykh] Zakariyyá and also win the blessings associated with the slaying of the Bábís—which they believed to be a meritorious deed—they needed to carry out his wish [and round up the Bahá’ís].

Next day, three more believers were taken to the Shaykh. However, he cunningly compelled them to turn over all their properties and possessions to him, and then they were released.

Hungry, thirsty, and filled with anxiety, the wretched believers who had fled from the city wandered over the mountains. After two days, the myrmidons and henchmen discovered their location and apprehended eight believers with the intention of taking them to the Shaykh. En route, the captives were subjected to all manner of mistreatment and brutality, to the point that by the time they arrived at the headquarters, no strength was left in them and blood poured from their ears and heads, and their entire bodies were covered in injuries.

Upon arrival, one of them asked for water, but instead the ruthless Shaykh ordered his immediate martyrdom by gunfire. In short, [p. 580] each of the eight was slain in a different manner.

Moreover, that day, ten more believers, each in a different way, perished at the hand of the rabble. Ustád ‘Alí Sabbágh [the painter] was riddled with bullets in the Chinár-Sukhtih quarters, next to the Masjid [Jum‘ih]. The remains of that wronged-one were burnt and the cinders thrown into a well. Mullá ‘Abdu’l-Majíd, a sixty-five-year-old believer who had recently become blind, was heartlessly pulled from his home and most severely beaten. They perpetrated upon that man what no pen dare describe. At last, they repeatedly shot him and burned his remains.

The date of this event is Naw-Rúz 1909. On that very day, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá interred the remains of the Báb on Mount Carmel, and the Bahá’ís in Chicago resolved to raise the Mother Temple of the West—thus three sacred acts in the East, the Holy Land, and the West were intertwined on a single day.

In total, the number of martyred believers reached nineteen, and were I to describe the details of each, much like the first Nayríz episode outlined earlier, it would become a lengthy epistle. It should suffice to note that this incident was in every way more severe, more brutal, and more harrowing than the previous episodes.

The author’s narrative suggests a total of 20 martyrs: two on an earlier day, and then eight and ten martyrs on another occasion, for a total of 20 martyrs.

See Rabbani, The Bábís of Nayríz: History and Documents, and Rawhani, Lam‘átu’l-Anvár, vol. 2.

For quite a while, the widowed women and orphaned children, having lost their husbands and fathers, and having witnessed their homes destroyed and all their possessions plundered, lived in such conditions that indeed will remain a grievous stain of disgrace for the world of humanity. The majority of them took refuge in the mosques or spent [the chilling nights] in the streets or in the ruins of what once were their homes, now reduced to naught but a pile of rubble. When any of them tried to take shelter in the homes of their non-Bahá’í [relatives], they were forcibly denied. Their sole consolation was that they had not been killed like their men—insults and hardships they could endure.

Refugees to Sarvistán

For two days, innocent children and unprotected women lived with no food or provisions. Meanwhile, hundreds [of Bahá’ís] fled into the wilderness, knowing well that should any of them be caught by the rabble, their lives would be in iniquitous peril. Among such desolate believers were seventy-two who retreated in the direction of Sarvistán. What these refugees endured is most heart-wrenching and on par with the martyrdom of the other captives among their co-religionists.

Some of the escapees located one another in the vicinity of Istahbánát and together proceeded towards the Rúníz village, which belonged to Áqá Mírzá Áqá Afnán and whose inhabitants were Bahá’ís. The village Dhábit [chief], Mír Muḥammad-Ḥasan Nayrízí, was appointed by the Afnán and for several days saw to the comfort of the refugees.

The original word is qal‘ih, which technically means fort, but in local parlance refers to village.

Suddenly, word reached them from Qaytás Khán, one of the influential men of Fasá, “I am commissioned on behalf of Shaykh Zakariyyá to come to the village of Rúníz, seizing [fugitive] Bahá’ís, to send them forthwith before the Shaykh. As such, should any such person be at the village, you must see to their immediate exit so that you and I may not suffer problems and difficulties.” Apprehensive of the potential consequences, Mír Muḥammad-Ḥasan, who for years had worked for the Afnán and served as the village chief, informed the hunted believers, “Qaytás Khán is a ruthless man and most likely would cause harassment. I suggest you prepare for departure towards Sarvistán.” The Bahá’ís [not wishing to bring difficulty on their host,] consented.

Even though their feet were severely injured from having sprinted [for many days] in the mountains and the wilderness, they recognized they had no choice but to flee yet again. [p. 585] As such, forced by circumstances, with bleeding feet, they took to the desert.

They decided not to use the main road, as it might be frequented by ‘Arab tribes and their cattle, and might cause them further trials. Led by a guide, they left in the direction of Kharman-Kúh. Still in the morning hours, however, the guide lost his way, and, deeply perplexed and confounded, they knew not in which direction to proceed. On their way, they passed through areas where snowfall had accumulated in excess of ten meters, and they had to make their way deep in ice and snow. Despite all the adversities that had befallen them, constant expressions of gratitude to the court of their Beloved streamed forth from their lips. In that wretched state, in utmost humility and entreaty, they would raise their voices in prayer to the Threshold of their compassionate God.

By noontime, due to extreme fatigue, none among them could take another step. They had no food or provisions, except a small quantity of flour. Using the brushwood in the wild, a fire was made and some snowflakes melted over a piece of clothing, and with that, dough was prepared which allowed them to make a few pieces of bread. Though there was so very little, bread was eaten, and then they proceeded on their way yet again.

By dusk, the way [to Sarvistán] was found, and by darkness the village of ‘Alí-Ábád was reached. However, fearing the assailants, they decided to press on, and by mid-night they reached the forest in the vicinity of Sarvistán. [In the darkness,] they lost their way once more and failed to reach their destination that night. Fire was made, and they circled around it—some fell unconscious, while others remained awake due to the piercing cold.

At break of dawn, they rose and recommenced their agonizing, tortuous march. The vast majority of their group were so bitterly tired, injured, and starved that they could hardly take steps. Most had to satisfy their profound hunger with only leaves and wild bracken.

By noontime, their goal was within a half farsang of the village, and yet they were so extremely tired and famished that they could not travel this short distance. All fell to the ground unconscious, preferring death to such misery. Two among them, being younger and stronger than their peers, rose and, placing their trust in God, proceeded towards Sarvistán where their Bahá’í brethren resided.

Persian units of distance especially : an ancient unit of about four miles (six kilometers)

During those days, the teachers of the Cause of God, Áqá Mírzá ‘Alí-Akbar [Rafsinjání] and Áqá Mírzá Tarázu’lláh [Samandarí] were in Sarvistán, and the friends were filled with joy and ecstasy. However, when an ‘Arab messenger arrived from the [Rúníz] village belonging to the Afnán and informed them of what had transpired, their delight turned to bitter sorrow. Quickly they exerted themselves to gather all the necessary provisions so that upon the arrival of their wronged brethren, they might be welcomed befittingly. It was then that the two young refugees arrived and informed them of the occurrences and the condition of the remaining party.

Immediately, food and carriages were gathered and a large contingent of the friends taken to the spot where the persecuted believers had fallen unconscious. Seeing them in that state and at the door of death, the Sarvistánís cried bitterly over the afflictions and hardships that these devoted souls had endured. They were all fed and brought to Sarvistán.

I wish to note for the reader that from the dawn of the Faith until the present, [p. 590] the Bahá’ís and the Muslims of Sarvistán have lived together like brothers and in the utmost fraternity have associated with one another. No enmity or animosity, which has typically prevailed in other regions, is observed among these people, and for the most part, they are blood-relatives of each other. Therefore, on hearing of the arrival of the wounded and piteous Nayrízí Bahá’ís, the Muslims caused no harm or agony, nor did they proffer an insult. Indeed, very many of them came to welcome the new arrivals and dealt with them with the utmost consideration and hospitality. Seeing the unity, the generosity, and the brotherhood that existed among the Bahá’ís, filled these Muslim neighbors with admiration.

The implication of this comment is that Shírází enemies perpetrated or instigated the several earlier episodes of imprisonment of Sarvistánís or their martyrdom.

After the entrance of this group, gradually twelve more arrived in Sarvistán. They too had endured greatest hardship and misfortunes en route, and were severely beaten and injured by the ‘Arabs of the desert. The believers in Sarvistán received them with open arms as well, and saw to their needs and comfort.

Return of Order

Having noted the extensive harassment, disarray, molestation, and abuse brought about by Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn and Shaykh Zakariyyá, eventually Hájí Ásifu’d-Dawlih [the governor-general] ordered [Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán,] the Nasru’d-Dawlih, to establish order in the region and in the border towns. The latter organized a large contingent, armed with artillery, moved on Galih-Dár, Bastak, Lár, Dáráb, Istahbánát, Sar-Kúh, and Nayríz.

Proceeding with all due speed, Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán, the Nasru’d-Dawlih, first arrived at Sarvistán and was briefed by the Nayrízí Bahá’ís of the atrocities that had recently occurred. On hearing their report and seeing their wretched condition, he was deeply moved and lamented over what had befallen them. With much benevolence, he assured them, “God willing, I will remedy the situation.”

In the company of the refugees, he then directed his camp towards Fasá and asked the believers, “Upon our arrival at Nayríz, do not demand the return of such of your possessions as you see in others’ hands. Wait until the tumult and uproar has subsided, at which time it will all be redressed.” Thus the believers once again regained Nayríz and with great wisdom and tact dealt with the citizens. Soon the troubles were diminished.

The Nasru’d-Dawlih stayed in Fasá for a little while in order to reduce the Nasírí ‘Arab tribes that had been revolting for some time. It was there that through Qaytás Khán of Rúníz he received a letter written by the Imám-Jum‘ih of Fasá to Shaykh Zakariyyá, encouraging the latter to eradicate the Bahá’ís. In a public gathering that consisted of all the clerics and headmen of Fasá and surrounding region, the Nasru’d-Dawlih produced this letter and asked the Imám-Jum‘ih if he recognized the handwriting and the seal. To this, the Imám replied, “It is very similar to my writing and seal.” Using his walking stick, the Nasru’d-Dawlih removed the Imám’s turban, throwing it to floor, and ordered him to eat the letter. He continued to strike him in the head with his stick until he had finished eating the letter and then was ejected from the meeting in utmost disgrace (based on notes of A.Q. Afnán, August 1997).

Having heard that Shíráz had sent armed forces against him, by the time the opposing camp had reached Dáráb, Shaykh Zakariyyá had retreated to Sar-Kúh. God willing, in due course, I intend to describe more fully the events of Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-Ḥusayn and Shaykh Zakariyyá.

No evidence has been found that Mírzá Habíbu’lláh wrote a separate account of Nayríz III.

Each week, a detailed report of Nayríz incidents and the sufferings of the friends of God was both cabled and mailed to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s presence, which resulted in about fifty Tablets being revealed and sent from the Holy Land. In addition, from the Holy Land, He bestowed a sum for the relief of the Nayrízí believers. The Spiritual Assembly also wrote to various parts of Iran and informed the Spiritual Assemblies in every town and hamlet of the details. From every corner of the country, contributions began to flow [for the Bahá’ís of Nayríz], and the Spiritual Assembly would distribute these among the Bahá’í families and the remnants of the martyrs in proportion to their losses.

Gradually, the believers commenced their earlier professions and, through God’s favors their businesses became even more prosperous than before, and the divine friends were more successful than at any time previously, which served as a lesson for non-Bahá’ís, although they did not become repentant.

Praised be God at present, the Bahá’ís of Nayríz live [p. 595] in utmost comfort, and their homes and orchards are more marvelous than ever before, nay, it truly bears no comparison to the past.

Chapter 17 Political Reforms and Upheavals of 1909–10

Dismissal of the Ásifu’d-Dawlih [p. 595:3] On hearing of the occurrences in Nayríz, the general disturbances in Fárs, and the ineptness of the Ásifu’d-Dawlih, the authorities in Tihrán decided to discharge Ásifu’d-Dawlih from office and appoint a competent, law-abiding person as the governor-general of Fárs. Therefore, they telegraphed the dismissal of Hájí Ásifu’d-Dawlih, with the additional instruction for him to quickly depart for the capital, entrusting the affairs of Fárs to Habíbu’lláh Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [III, who became the acting governor-general].

Bahá’ís in the Administration of the Sahámu’d-Dawlih

After several months, Ja‘far-Qulí Khán, the Sahámu’d-Dawlih, was appointed to the governorship of Fárs and on the 1 Shá‘bán AH 1327 [18 August 1909], accompanied by only seven others, arrived at Shíráz. As he was an accomplished administrator, upon arrival he rolled up the remnant of the absolutists’ regime and allowed the constitutional monarchists to flourish. He announced that whoever volunteered [as a civil servant], would be hired with sufficient salaries. Many people from diverse strata accepted, and among those registering were a number of believers, either known or unidentified [as Bahá’ís]. Included in this group was the late Hájí Mírzá Muḥammad-Sádiq Khabbáz [the baker] who was particularly well known as a Bahá’í, and indeed his fame was on all tongues. Other believers were less known or were unidentified [as Bahá’ís]. With no exception, all were accepted for service.

Very quickly, in the [Governor’s] Ark, which was one of the buildings from the era of the late Karím Khán Zand, various functions for a city-government were firmly established. One section of the building was set aside for the [civil] courts [and the judicial system]; another for the police; another for the municipality; and another for the military. The central building was designated for the provincial offices. The work of the government began to unfold in an orderly fashion and in accord with the established laws, which everyone was obliged to follow. All petitions were reviewed [by the governor-general] and if deemed to be a legal issue, submitted to the judiciary for processing. The governor, however, closely scrutinized all operations, and if an agency was about to act with inequity and carry out an unjust decision, they were punished according to the percepts of the law. All levels of the administration were most cognizant of the need for careful expenditure of funds and had discarded the old practice of bribery and gifts. He also effectively reorganized the armed services.

The governor was particularly close to the two sons of the late Qavámu’l-Mulk— Habíbu’lláh Khán, the Qavámu’l-Mulk [III], and Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí Khán, the Nasru’d-Dawlih—and showed them much attention and consideration. He entrusted the former with the police and security forces, while Mírzá Muḥammad-‘Alí, the Nasru’d-Dawlih, was prized and placed in charge of the military forces, with the title of Amír-Tumání. The governor personally supervised the payment of monthly salaries to military personnel and ensured that payment was delivered properly on the first of each month.

For a biography see Bámdád, Sharh Hál Rijál Iran, vol. 1, pp. 310–11.

The text lists the following offices: Kalántar, Bíglar-Baykí, and the Nazmiyyih, which are respectively the chief of police, the district administrator and the security forces.

The implication being that during the interim period, the powerful Qavám family had emerged as supporters of constitutional reform. This enabled them to regain their previous prestige and influence.

The justice of the governor became renowned throughout the province of Fárs. In accordance with both religious law as well as civil ordinances, each crime or treachery had a specific code of punishment. Those having committed unseemly acts, after having their guilt proven, and upon the ruling of the court, would be forced to wear a colorful, paper hat, with bells hanging on the sides, and in such a [humiliating] condition, they would be lashed publicly. In one instance, a woman had committed thievery and after the court had pronounced against her, in accord with the quranic law, “As to the thief, male or female, cut off his or her hands,” [p. 600] four of her left fingers were severed on the public square. Such incidents served to ensure complete order throughout the region, and none dared being presumptuous towards others.

Qur’án 5:41.

Opposition to the Sahámu’d-Dawlih

Affairs progressed splendidly for six months, and all segments of society enjoyed tranquility and comfort. This peace and quiet, however, provoked certain mischievous elements to precipitate difficulties. From the beginning of the month of Dhi’l-Hijjih [December 1909], crowds of worshipers began to march in the streets.

Presumably, a reference to the absolute monarchists.

Political demonstrations in Iran are typically disguised as religious events, particularly associated with the martyrdom of Imám Ḥusayn, which is commemorated in Muharram.

On 1 Muharram AH 1328 [13 January 1910], ta‘ziyyih commemorations were launched, and troubles were afoot. The rabble began provocation, and the wanton women and lewd youngsters joined in the incitement. They marched in the streets and the bazaar and in the name of mourning [for the Imám Ḥusayn] would level insults and slanders. The esteemed divines organized many congregations in various homes and placed certain ignoramuses in charge of each, tasked with directly or through allusions criticizing the administration’s reforms. Their intent was to underscore their opposition by insinuating that the governor [and his administration] had acted against the religious precepts and that the newly established government offices were incompatible with Islamic teachings and its sacred jurisprudence. They exerted themselves in demonstrating that indeed the real purpose of these civil improvements lay elsewhere and was inspired by other designs.

The author’s intent seems to be that the clerical opposition was implying European regimes had inspired the reforms.

They further insisted that matters of law must be decided in the religious courts by the illustrious divines, not by the existing judicial system. Moreover, the opposition maintained, “The officials of the administration are members of the wayward and perverse community [i.e., the Bahá’ís], and the governor has appointed Bábís to all such ranks. Such a government is harmful to the province of Fárs and must immediately and completely be aborted. Further, why do we need modernized police? Security must be maintained as before through Kalántars and Bíglar-Baykís, and administered by the Dárúghihs and the local Kad-Khudás!”

[Mírzá Habíbu’lláh’s narrative ends at this point.]

Appenix en

Appendix • Material för studium av bahá’í-samfundet i Shíráz